South Africa's 'Rainbow People', National Pride and Happiness

Since the first free elections were held in April 1994, South Africans are popularly known as the 'rainbow people'. The paper inquires whether South Africans who experienced pride in their nation in the first years of democracy also perceived a greater sense of subjective well-being. It is proposed that national pride in post-apartheid South Africa might be fused with or work through self-esteem to lift levels of happiness. The paper traces the history of the new integrating civil religion of the rainbow people and the acceptance of the rainbow as a political symbol of unity among the diverse people of South Africa immediately after the 1994 elections and two years later. The proposed link between national pride and happiness was explored with data from two independent national surveys, the 1995 South African World Values Survey conducted by Markinor and a June 1996 MarkData syndicated omnibus survey. The study found that the appeal of the rainbow as political symbol was inclusive of all groups in society and that feelings of national pride and support for the rainbow ideal were positively associated with subjective well-being. As indicated by intensity and frequency measures, the majority of South Africans were proud of their country and could name a national achievement that inspired pride. Better-off South Africans tended to be happier and more satisfied with life but less proud, while the poor were less happy but fiercely proud of their country. Results suggest that belief in South Africa's 'rainbow nation' ideal may have assisted in boosting happiness during the transition to a stable democracy, thereby preventing alienation among the losers under the new political dispensation. Supporters of the ideal of the rainbow nation were more optimistic than others about the future of their country.     

South Africa's `Rainbow People', National Pride and Optimism: A Trend Study

Since the first democratic elections of1994, South Africans are popularly known as the`rainbow people'. The paper reports theacceptance of the rainbow as political symbolof unity among the diverse people of SouthAfrica at three times: Immediately after the1994 elections, two years later in 1996, andfive years later in 1999 after the secondgeneral elections. The database for the studyare responses to items placed with a syndicatednational survey conducted countrywide. Thepublic discourse on the rainbow is reviewedthrough personal interviews with a panel of 25elites contacted in the run-up to the secondgeneral elections. The researchers revisitconclusions based on the earlier results(Møller, Dickow and Harris, 1999). The thirdround of research finds that the appeal of therainbow as political symbol has waned but isstill inclusive of all groups in society.Projections of national pride have shifted fromthe rainbow as symbol of unity andreconciliation to other icons of achievementsuch as the Reconstruction and DevelopmentProgramme and prowess in sport. Support for thepolitical symbolism of the rainbow ispositively associated with happiness, lifesatisfaction and optimism. Lack of a focus ofnational pride is associated with pessimism.Results support the conclusion reached earlierthat belief in the `rainbow nation' idealboosts optimism and promotes happiness duringSouth Africa's transition to a stabledemocracy, thereby preventing alienation amongthe losers under the new politicaldispensation. Linkages between acceptance ofthe rainbow symbol, subjective well-being andoptimism are discussed in the light of thesocio-political changes which have taken placein South Africa since democracy.     

Envy and Pride: How Economic Inequality Deepens Happiness Inequality in South Korea

This paper examines how economic inequality at the local level affects individuals’ subjective well-being (SWB) through social comparison in Seoul, South Korea. We implement a multi-level analysis combining asset inequality, calculated using the actual transaction prices of apartments, and public opinion surveys conducted by Seoul Metropolitan City between 2008 and 2016. Our analysis shows that inequality negatively affects SWB among respondents whose family income is lower than the median (the envy effect), but drives up SWB among the other half (the pride effect). Further analysis on the effect of inequality on subjective class awareness corroborates a social comparison mechanism: the haves embrace an upper-class awareness as local inequality increases, while the have-nots embrace a lower class awareness. These findings suggest that, despite concerns about economic inequality and its negative consequences, calling for policy reform to reduce inequality may be unpersuasive to the better off members of society, especially if doing so increases individual financial burdens.

     

On Growing Old in America: Perceptions of the Okinawan War Bride

ABSTRACT

The unique perceptions of aging of Okinawan war brides are presented through interviews with 15 subjects. They voiced their thoughts about a range of topics, including available support systems, effects of acculturation, and their sense of security as they approach old age. Pride in culture and fears of lost family connections are expressed as these women speculate about the demands of aging in America.     

An Intersectional Analysis of LGBTQ Online Media Coverage of the Pulse Nightclub Shooting Victims

ABSTRACT

This study illustrates the radical potential of intersectionality to offer a more deeply critical analysis of hierarchies in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) communities. The author examines how 377 reports from the five most-trafficked LGBTQ Web sites represented victims of the Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando, FL. Findings support previous scholarship that has emphasized Latinx exclusion, as the articles generally failed to present the victims in an intersectional way, focusing on their LGBTQ status and excluding their Latinx identities. At the same time, a significant minority of the reports emphasized Latinx queer people, most frequently in a way that continued to prioritize LGBTQ identification, sometimes even advancing stereotypical representations of Latinx communities as extraordinarily focused on faith, family, or “machismo.” Moreover, none of the articles considered xenophobia as a potential motivating factor in the shooting, and the reports typically presented policing agencies in a neutral, and sometimes even positive, way.     

Bangladesh: National Population Policy approved

The National Population Council of Bangladesh set a policy to reduce the national growth rate from 2.8 to 2% by 1980, and increase the frequency of family planning use by eligible couples from 4.7 to 12% in 1978 and 20% in 1980. If the replacement level can be reached by 1985, then the population of Bangladesh will stabilize at 121 million. The orientation of family planning programs will be switched from clinics to a national mobilization of programs. All methods of contraception will be used throughout the policy implementation.     

Mortality of American Troops in the Iraq War

We estimate the death rate of United States troops deployed to Iraq from the beginning of the US invasion through 30 September 2006. Eighty percent of the deaths in Iraq were combat‐related. The death rate in Iraq is lower than that of the civilian population of the United States but substantially higher than that of young adults. It is much lower than the death rate of US troops in Vietnam, in part because a much smaller fraction die among those wounded in Iraq. We also estimate relative mortality levels for US troops according to numerous demographic variables through 30 November 2006. The risk of death in Iraq per deployment is shown to be highest for Marines; Naval and Air Force personnel in Iraq have lower death rates than the civilian population of comparable age. Other categories with above‐average mortality in Iraq are enlisted troops, males, younger persons, and Hispanics.     

Discrimination and Victimization: Parade for Lesbian,Gay, Bisexual,and Transgender (LGBT) Pride,in Chile

This article describes the population participating in the LGBT Pride Parade in Santiago, Chile, from discrimination and victimization standpoints. The sample consisted of 488 subjects older than 18 years (M = 25.1), who were interviewed during the 2007 event. For this purpose, a questionnaire from the Latin American Centre of Sexuality and Human Rights (CLAM) was adapted and administered. Approximately 35% of respondents reported having experimented school, religious, or neighborhood discrimination. The more discriminated are transgender people. Approximately three fourths of respondents reported experiencing ridicule and almost 60% reported experiencing insults or threats. Transgender were significantly more likely than gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals to experience discrimination or victimization events. Finally, the parade acquired an important social and political character in the context of a clearly homophobic society.     

The Personal and the Political: Israelis' Perception of Well-Being in Times of War and Peace

This study investigated the perception of personal well-being among different segments of Israeli society for various levels of national stress. The three measures utilized (health worries, happiness, and coping) were derived from 203 surveys of national samples conducted between June 1967 and August 1979 (N = 112,005). Gender, education, age, religiosity, and ethnic origin were correlated with these indicators during periods of low, medium, and high national stress. In general, lower levels of well-being were reported by women, the less educated, the older age groups, the religious, and those of Eastern origin, as predicted. Contrary to expectation, health worries decreased during times of high national stress. The results are discussed in the context of differences between measures of well-being, the intensity of stress on the national level, and the role of each of the above sociodemographic variables as a resource, buffer or handicap, in dealing with stress.     

UNHCR and the Afghan Refugees in the Early 1980s: Between Humanitarian Action and Cold War Politics

This article examines the UNHCR operation in Pakistan duringthe Soviet occupation of Afghanistan as a case study for thetension between UNHCR's strictly humanitarian mandate and thediverging interests of states. After situating the Afghan refugeecrisis in the broader historical context of the Cold War, itanalyses a number of documents from the UNHCR archives witha focus on the humanitarian principles that guide UNHCR's workon the one hand, and the influence of states and their political,economic, or military objectives on the UNHCR's operation onthe other. It concludes that UNHCR was aware of the negativeimpact of states’ policies and actions on the humanitariannature of its operation. However, due to the power differencebetween UNHCR and its members states as well as states hostingits operations, UNHCR had to accept these negative effects inorder to assure minimum assistance and protection for the Afghanrefugees in need.     

Orderly Departure from Vietnam: Cold War Anomaly or Humanitarian Innovation?

In May 1979, UNHCR and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam signeda Memorandum of Understanding establishing a program for legalemigration from Vietnam, known as the Orderly Departure Program,or ODP. The ODP was intended to make it possible for personswishing to leave Vietnam to do so in a safe and orderly manner,rather than having to join the ranks of the Vietnamese boatpeople. It is the only time UNHCR has extended its assistanceon a large scale to help persons to leave their country of origin.Well over half a million people emigrated from Vietnam underthe auspices of the program. The existence of the ODP made itpossible for the international community to reach consensuson how to tackle problems relating to Vietnamese refugees andasylum-seekers at two major conferences, once in 1979 and anotherin 1987. This article explores the origins of the program inthe context of the Cold War and the aftermath of the Americanwithdrawal from Vietnam, attitudes within UNHCR to the program,and the contribution the ODP made to resolving the Vietnameserefugee crisis.     

Frequency of geographic mobility: Findings from the National Health Interview Survey

Age stands out as an important factor in multiple moves over a relatively short period of time. In addition, in the NHIS data whites show a higher tendency to be multiple movers than do blacks. It was also found that persons defined as interstate migrants moved more often than either intrastate migrants or local movers, but it is impossible to conclude anything more definitive about that relationship. In conclusion, mobility defined as a move rather than as a mover is clearly higher than estimates derived from five-year census data or the CPS, which only use the idea of a mover. On the whole, though, over three-year periods most persons do not move at all or they move and then return. Of those who do change residence, the majority move only once. By far the bulk of moves is accounted for by a relatively small segment of Americans. Of 34,000 moves reported in the NHIS, more than one-half were made by a small number of persons--4,400--who not only constituted scarcely one-fourth of all movers but were less than 1 out of every 11 Americans.     

The Sierra Club Immigration Debate: National Implications

U.S. population doubled during the past 50 years with nary a notice by anyone, why expect anything different during the next doubling? The relationship between U.S. population size and environment suddenly became newsworthy for six months in 1997–98, thanks to a bruising battle within the Sierra Club. Whether or not you are a Sierra Club member, please consider becoming involved in a rare opportunity to publicize connections between U.S. population growth and the state of the environment.