试论阶层分化对政治发展的挑战

中国市场化进程中的阶层分化是现代化进程的必然产物 ,其实质是社会各个阶层利益的重新分配。它对政治发展的挑战主要表现为 :不同阶层政治参与的不均衡性对政治决策的均衡性和公正性的挑战 ;不同阶层利益指向的差异性对政治整合有效性的挑战 ;阶层间差距的扩大和磨擦的加剧对政治稳定性的挑战。对此的应对措施主要有 :以制度创新引导和保证人员的合理流动 ;完善政治沟通机制 ,减弱阶层分化对社会稳定带来的冲击 ;完善利益表达形式 ,推动社会主义政治体制建设     

Community Service and Political Identity Development in Adolescence

This article addresses the interconnection of political socialization and identity development. We begin with Erikson's work, which identified the development of political commitment in adolescence as a key aspect of identity formation. We then seek to shed light on the social processes through which youth become engaged in political activities and issues. We discuss the influences of family and peers as well as participation in community service and other civic activities. The development of social responsibility and agency, and an understanding of the complexity of social issues are considered as important facets of political commitment. Data from a case study of Black urban adolescents who participated in a year-long service learning program are used to illustrate our perspective. We conclude that social-historical context, instantiated in social relationships and actions, plays a pivotal role in the process and shape of political socialization and identity formation.     

关系网络与政治行为——西方政治网络观简析

对政治行为进行解释和理解的关键在于考察其社会背景和社会网络,这一点近年来得到西方学者的重视。西方政治网络观认为,政治行动者之间的关系网络以及行动者在网络中所占据的位置,对行动者及其群体的政治行为以及政治态度等具有重要影响。从"关系网络"的角度对选举行为、政治参与、社会运动、权力结构等进行分析,可以加深我们对政治现象乃至一般社会现象的理解,可以为社会科学研究提供新的视角,进而超越传统的二元对立,并带来新的洞见。     

政治和谐视野下当代中国公民政治参与意识的培育

政治和谐构成了当代中国政治发展的目标指向。培育公民政治参与意识是实现政治和谐的重要手段。政治和谐的内在意蕴促生了政治参与意识的发展;和谐政治文化蕴含着政治参与意识培育的生成要素;政治参与意识的培育体现了和谐发展的运行机制。     

Gender Jeopardy: What is the Impact of Gender Differences in Political Knowledge on Political Participation?*

Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office.     

中国网民的政治价值观与网络抗争行为的限度

中国的市场化转型带来了政治价值观的变化,进而重塑着个体的政治参与行为,其中包括网络抗争行为。由于种种限制,互联网并不必然带来网络抗争,个人的政治价值观是重要的影响因素。基于全国性的概率抽样调查数据,本文首先构造了个人的政治价值观倾向得分,然后用广义倾向值匹配估算了政治价值观对批评政府官员或政策和讨论集体行动这两种网络抗争行为的响应函数和干预效应。结果显示,越趋向自由民主价值观,个人拥有这两种网络抗争经历的概率越高,且呈现强化趋势。但是,这种作用具有阈值效应,即自由民主价值观达到较高水平后,更高的自由民主价值观带来的网络抗争行为的发生概率反而更低。因此,除了来自政府和体制的外在限制,网络抗争还存在着内生于行动者本身的限制。本文通过实证研究证实了政治价值观对网络抗争行为产生的内在限制。     

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

观点与链接:在线社交网络中的群体政治极化:一个微观行为的解释框架

群体政治极化是互联网传播领域长期关注的重要现象,然而进入社会化媒体时代,网络群体极化的状况和形成机理是否发生了变化?为此本文分析了从观点生产到链接构建的群体极化机制,并结合在线社交网络用户数据与跨国比较数据进行了验证。研究发现,在社交网络的技术、媒介和社会网络三重特性的相互作用下,使用者会选择观点的隔离并转而链接同质群体,这一建构过程最终导致网络群体极化的产生。对跨国数据的分析也表明,在政治观点表达更为活跃的社交网络中,人们认知到相异观点的几率却下降了。因此,如何在新媒体时代构建一个多元协商的网络治理环境,我们或许可以从观点和链接两个方面入手。     

公民有序政治参与对服务型政府构建的价值及实现

秩序是政治生活基本的价值,供给秩序是服务型政府的职能定位。服务型政府是公民本位的政府,公民与政府的良性互动是服务型政府建设的基础。但是,惟有有序的公民政治参与才能发挥正向功能,有序的公民政治参与对服务型政府构建具有多层价值。为了充分发挥这种价值和效用,就需要政府、社会组织和公民共同努力推进公民有序政治参与。     

影响妇女政治参与程度的诸因素分析

根据2006年厦门市居民调查的数据，本文首先分析了影响居民政治参与的各因素。进而多元回归分析表明性别、年龄、教育程度以及收入水平都对居民的政治参与产生一定影响。本文运用人力资本理论研究了两性在政治参与上的差异，通过分析得出结论即人力资本的差异是造成两性政治参与程度不同的原因之一。     

政治生活与政治学基础理论

本来意义上的政治生活是从公民和民生社会中提升出来的高贵的、体现集体精神的公民公共生活。在民生社会衰微甚至被消除的基础上形成的政治生活是扭曲的、反向的社会政治化的结果。民生社会的建设和发展，为积极的社会政治化提供了前提。发展科学的政治学理论是经营、建设体现和谐合作的、健康的政治生活所不可缺少的方面，而要做好这一工作，又必须先在作为其元理论的基础理论的研究上下功夫。政治学基础理论是一个包含多领域的开放性的论域，其任务是要回答政治学理论究竟以何种方式、范式、途径和材料才能科学、合理和有效地建构起来。     

论政治冲突

政治冲突是重要的政治现象 ,也是政治学的基础范畴。在政治冲突发展的历史与逻辑相一致的理论框架下 ,政治冲突表现为政治分歧、政治不合作、政治对立、政治竞争。政治冲突的类型有 :政治机构冲突、政治领导集团内部冲突、政党冲突、利益集团冲突、公民冲突、政治权力冲突、政治参与冲突、政治发展冲突。     

城市移民的政治参与：一个社会网络的分析视角

在中国,随着城市化进程的加快,大量来自乡村的移民进入城市,城市移民群体在城市社区中的社会融合与公共事务参与,对于中国未来的城市发展与社会整合具有重要的意义。使用上海地区“2009年社会网络与职业经历问卷调查”, 本文采用一个社会网络的分析视角,实证地验证了社会网络对于城市移民政治参与的效果。结果显示：“拜年网”的规模对于城市居民（包括上海户籍与非上海户籍）的政治参与具有负向的效果;“讨论网”的规模只对城市移民群体（非上海户籍居民）具有正向的促进作用;而 “社会参与网”表现出了非常显著的正向作用,而且,城市移民群体的“社会参与网”比上海户籍居民具有更强的正向效果。     

Gender and Political Participation in Australia

A sizeable gender gap in political participation, such that men are more likely to be active than women, is a well-established cross-national finding. But evidence for Australia is scarce, particularly in recent times, and so is international evidence since the mid-1970s. The 1984–85 Australian National Social Science Survey shows only a small gender gap to exist in a variety of political activities, in contrast to past findings. Furthermore, controlling for political interest largely explains the gap in rates of orthodox political participation. A significant gender gap remains in political protest activities, however, despite the introduction of a wide range of controls.     

Participatory community organizing revisited: political involvement and social development in two post-socialist villages in north China

The paper, based on seven months of intensive ethnographic fieldwork in two neighbouring villages in north China, describes a more complicated relationship between members' political involvement and community social development than is generally perceived in literature. The intriguing mechanisms and contents of political participation presented call for a close examination of grassroots political economy, local authority, democratic institutions, and community organizing in the specific social contexts of post-socialist rural China under reforms. The study argues that a context-sensitive understanding of participatory democracy and community development is necessary for the success of macro social work practices, and therefore needs to be built into the curriculum of community organizing and international social work and addressed in social work professional training.     

太平天国女性政治意识分析

太平天国为了革命斗争的需要,制定和实施了一系列女性政治制度,动员和吸引大批妇女参与政治斗争,涌现了一大批政治角色明朗的女性。这些女性在太平天国男女平等口号感召下政治意识开始觉醒,但在男权政治体系中,她们参与公共领域的政治意识被动而又朦胧。为此,太平天国女性的政治意识就具有了革命性与被动性相互交织的特征。     

Ideological Extremism and Public Participation*

Objectives. Does aggregate ideological extremism reduce public participation? Does participation in governance processes fall when the social environment shifts to the extreme left or the extreme right of the political spectrum? Our main hypothesis is that the aggregate ideological orientation of the social environment constrains volunteerism in social regulatory programs. Methods. We test our hypothesis using a panel tobit analysis of data from the federal Long‐Term Care Ombudsman Program. Results. Our model of public participation (expressed as volunteerism) shows that participation expands when the ideological position of a state's citizens is at the extreme left or right of the political continuum. We show the differential effects of two types of aggregate ideological orientation: of citizens and their political leaders. We further find that participation is greatest in states with extremely liberal citizen ideological positions. Conclusions. These findings paint a more complex picture of the effect of extremism in the social environment on public participation measured as production volunteerism. In sum, public participation is greatest when the social environment is ideologically polarized, and social regulation is strongest when volunteerism is greatest.     

Theorizing Political Psychology: Doing Integrative Social Science Under the Condition of Postmodernity

The field of political psychology, like the social sciences more generally, is being challenged. New theoretical direction is being demanded from within and a greater epistemological sophistication and ethical relevance is being demanded from without. In response, an outline for a reconstructed political psychology is offered here. To begin, a theoretical framework for a truly integrative political psychology is sketched. In the attempt to transcend the reductionist quality of cross-disciplinary or multidisciplinary inquiry, the theoretical approach offered here emphasizes the dually structured quality of social life as the singular product of both organizing social structures and defining discourse communities on the one hand and motivated, thinking individuals on the other. To further this theoretical effort, meta-theoretical considerations are addressed. The modernist-postmodernist debate regarding the status of truth and value is used as a point of departure for constructing the epistemological foundation for political psychology. In this light, structural pragmatic guidelines for theory construction, empirical research and normative inquiry are presented. While the focus remains on political psychology in particular, it is assumed that the criticisms of present research and the suggestions for future inquiry apply to the social sciences more generally.     

Gendered Pathways to the Political: The Political Participation of Women Factory Workers in Mexico*

Objectives. The objective of this article is to analyze the mobilization factors available within and without international factories that do and do not contribute to political participation of employees, hypothesizing that the quantity, type, and causal linkages will vary by gender. Methods. Using original survey data of factory employees (N=402) in multiple sectors and regions in Mexico, I test common explanations as to how the factory experience stimulates and stifles the political participation of women employees, exploring whether the causal linkages between the workplace and political engagement are the same for women and men. Results. Contrary to some of the recent research that reveals men to be more politically engaged than women in the Mexican population overall, my data show that among factory workers there is rough parity between men's and women's levels of political engagement. A distinction of note, controlling for other variables, female employees are more likely than male employees to engage in informal political activities. Conclusion. The international factory experience appears to have a limited “egalitarian” effect. The distribution of factors leading to political mobilization for women and men is not equal, yet women are able to translate a distinct set of factors into participation.     

“类聚群分”:当代中国中产阶层的多元构成及其多维政治取向

本文结合体制分割和市场状况两大维度,划分出五种中产阶层基本类型,并利用2015年中国社会状况综合调查数据（CSS）和潜类模型、多元对应分析技术,从政治关注、政治效能、政治信任、意见表达、集体行动五个关联性维度考察中产阶层的多维政治取向。结果显示,体制内两类中产阶层在很大程度上延续了再分配体制的特征,政治取向明显保守稳健;处于“高经济地位”和“低政治地位”的地位相悖位置的体制外新中产阶层（新社会阶层）展现了偏激进的政治取向;处于体制和市场“双重弱势”地位的体制外边缘中产和“老中产”则兼具政治激进和冷漠的复杂二重性,且这种二重性主要沿着年龄、市场机会和生活状况被分割开来。体制外的中产阶层构成潜在的不稳定因素,应在阶层整合、利益整合和畅通上升流动渠道等方面着力,培育并壮大中产阶层,使其更好地发挥社会“稳定器”的作用。