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1.
In this article I approach gender, sexuality, and race as analytical concepts and intersectionality as an analytical framework for examining the relations between these concepts and the context within which they operate. Issues of complex causality make the disentangling of messages communicated by symbolic and everyday acts susceptible to oversimplification and paralysis of political action. Intersectionality addresses many of the pitfalls featured among intractable political problems such as racism. Patricia Hill Collins's provocative book Black Sexual Politics (2005) Collins, P. H. 2005. Black Sexual Politics, New York: Routledge.  [Google Scholar] proposes an alternative lens, that of the “new racism,” and I interrogate the utility of both frames for the analysis of African American popular culture and sexuality in the 21st century.  相似文献   

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In this reply, I comment on one theme raised by each symposium author, expand on explicit ideas in Black Sexual Politics (2005) Collins, P. H. 2005. Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism, New York: Routledge.  [Google Scholar] itself, and/or raise additional questions that broaden those of the symposium participants. First, I examine Ange-Marie Hancock's claim that my seeming privileging of race in Black Sexual Politics contradicts my prior work on intersectionality. Next, I respond to Shanette Harris's analysis of the power of the gaze. Finally, I examine Jean Wyatt's focus on the interior space of black humanity to speculate about the ways in which healing constitutes a site of politics.  相似文献   

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This paper discusses the sexual politics of anti-normalization within the context of the sociological discussions of civil society and the public sphere. The sexual politics of anti-normalization is less centered around identity as a means of securing group solidarity and representing sexual communities in civil society. A politics of anti-normalization comprehends identity as a means of normalizing and regulating sexual desire and difference. Anti-normalization entails the politicization of ethical-moral issues concerning sex and desire and the production of sexual differences beyond the usual opposition of heterosexuality to homosexuality. I discuss the ways that the theoretical discourses on civil society reduce conceptions of difference to identity and develop a framework for analyzing the sexual politics of difference beyond identity in the public sphere.  相似文献   

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This paper seeks to document a previously neglected area of study, namely the effects of sexual abuse on black disabled children. With a particular focus on black children with learning disabilities, it examines how the interlocking dimensions of race, gender and disability compound the problems that they are faced with in the aftermath of sexual abuse. This paper presents case studies drawn from data generated from a broader research project of sexual abuse and black families to illustrate the specific ways the negatively valued position of black disabled children shape responses to them. It is argued that the way in which black disabled children and their families interpret their experiences is likely to differ from other groups of disabled children, as multiple marginalised identities shape their lived realities. The paper concludes with some reflections on the implications for making risk assessment for black disabled children.  相似文献   

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Qualitative Sociology -  相似文献   

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Queer body modification is a site for investigating the possibilities and limitations of agency in body practices. This article considers the use of new and recirculated body modification technologies—many of them modeled after practices of indigenous, non-Western groups—by members of gay, lesbian, and trasngendered communities. Through presenting and interpreting the interview-gathered narratives of six body modifiers, I describe body modification as a practice imbued with agency by subjects. By creating anomalous bodies that provoke shock and consternation, body modifiers not only underscore the body's symbolic significance as a site of public identity but also conceive it as a resource for opposing (hetero) dominant culture. Body modification, even though it tests social tolerance, is not guaranteed in its subversive effects. I approach the narratives from a perspective informed poststructuralism, and I understand body modifiers' agency as limited by and constituted within regulatory regimes of power, such as heteronormativity, pathologization, and colonialism. I describe how such deployments engage symbols embedded in historic systems of representation and thus raise important questions regarding agency.  相似文献   

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This paper explores the impact of experiencing sexual abuse, fear of sexual abuse, and knowing of someone who has experienced such abuse on individuals' political orientations and behavior. Data come from a piolt study of 240 student respondents. Findings reveal that abuse and fear of abuse are associated with increased efficacy, involvement, and participaiton. Reasons for the results are discussed as well as directions for future study.  相似文献   

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Online surveillance interferes with the individual's ability to control their expressive identity - to determine the scope of the social context in which their activities are to be seen and interpreted. Entrepreneurs have responded to these concerns by offering pseudonymizers, which employ cryptographic techniques to allow users to create several unlinkable personae and choose among them when engaging in various online interactions. This article investigates the tension between pseudonymity as a design paradigm for privacy technologies and as a lived practice for users. Because coming out - strategic revelation and the claiming of identity - has been at the core of the gay liberation movement, this article posits a politically and sexually active gay professional man as an ideal user of pseudonymity software, and places the design logic of pseudonymity within that particular set of social understandings. It reveals the conflicts, contradictions and trade-offs inherent in that use. Pseudonymity permits a very strong control of identity. It permits the user to segregate his public performances, and to engage in public debate without fear of bodily retribution. However, it is all but useless as a means of controlling the social context of those performances. It requires that decisions about self-presentation in certain contexts be made in ignorance of who is sharing that context, and with what resources or purpose. While it promotes the production of multiple selves, those selves are not easily lent to practices of intimacy or community. Pseudonymity also facilitates profiling practices that define and reify classes of people, even as it protects the individual from some of the repercussions of being defined as part of that class. In short, pseudonymity software is informed by a politics of heroics rather than of community.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the dynamics of male-female interaction in one work setting—the backstage region of a police department—and explores the variety of ways that policewomen are pressured to “stay in their place” by male coworkers. Policewomen face interpersonal dilemmas because as police officers they are expected to behave like colleagues (i.e. as status equals); as women they are expected to behave as status subordinates. This paper investigates a number of the techniques by which female officers' gender is made salient and male officers assert dominance over female officers. The verbal techniques employed include the use of euphemisms, affectionate terms of address, cursing, joking and putdowns, and gossip. Non-verbal messages are transmitted by the use of personal space, touch, and chivalrous ceremonies. In addition the problems posed by sexuality and sexual harassment in the workplace are discussed. Data are based on nine months of participant observation and 55 interviews with officers in one police district in Washington, D.C.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

The #MeToo Movement both within academia and popular culture has largely been seen as an issue for white women (and men). While the phrase Me Too was originally coined by Tarana Burke in 2006 to raise public awareness of sexual harassment, violence and assault experienced by women of color, the Movement has largely been whitewashed by primarily depicting victims and survivors as white women. Black women academics, like myself, also experience sexual harassment. By highlighting the ways that race-based sexual harassment further marginalizes already underrepresented groups in political science, I use my personal story to elucidate how a gender-only lens misses the complexities of Black women’s experiences with power inequities in academia. Throughout this narrative I underscore the importance of mentorship, professional networks, and the ability to harness scholarship as a vehicle to combat the pervasiveness of sexual harassment, violence, and assault for Black women in political science.  相似文献   

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This essay proposes a reading of the vice commission reports of the early 20th century USA and Canada as exemplifying projects to regulate 'heterosocial space'. 'Heterosocial space' refers to the shifting and changing sites where young women and men come into contact and where transactions with potentially sexual dimensions arise or which others define in sexualized terms. 'Space' not only has a spatial, but also a temporal dimension exemplified in deep anxieties about the rapid expansion of the cities and life on street-corners after dark. The city was constituted as an arena of dispersed agencies of surveillance; a myriad of sites, including dance, halls, movie houses, ice cream parlors and skating rinks; department stores and city parks, which evaded attempts at systematic disciplinary supervision. Attention is paid to the closely textured interaction between official bodies and private agencies of moralization whose attempts at regulating heterosocial life involved an expansion of regulatory activities which were often ill-coordinated and conflictual. In the struggle between respectability and unrespectability, traditional notions of respectability were persistently submerged and outflanked. The vice reports can also be read as metaphorical narratives, such that prostitution can be seen as embracing multiple referents shifting from concern with 'commercial vice' to 'casual prostitution', and encompassing ideas of disease, disorder and transgression.  相似文献   

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SUMMARY

Carol Moseley Braun's entrance into the 2003 Democratic presidential primaries brought Representative Shirley Chisholm's 1972 presidential run back into the spotlight. Numerous questions of interest immediately come to mind. Has the political environment for Black females interested in the presidency changed? Is a Black female candidate running nationally today in a better position than thirty years ago? Did Black Americans see a Black female as a serious contender in 2003 where they did not in 1972? Were Blacks more inclined to support a Black male in the race, Al Sharpton, regardless of the qualifications of Moseley Braun? While data are limited, this article attempts to address these questions and to draw some conclusions, albeit cautiously, about the current political environment for Black female candidates.  相似文献   

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Women who play sports are often conflated as lesbian. Thus, athletes, coaches, and administrators in women's sport are constrained to never speak of the lesbians who play and work in sport. The injunction against speech keeps lesbians in the closet and controls all women in sport who must constantly monitor their appearance, behavior, and speech to ensure that they project an appropriately heterosexual image. The code of silence is, typically, justified by the assertion that fans and sponsors would abandon women's sport if lesbian participants were vocal and/or visible. Traditional media support the injunction to silence. They rarely speak of lesbians, and when they do, they typically marginalize and sensationalize lesbian participants. The authors analyze two threads of discussion on an Internet newsgroup devoted to women's basketball. The results indicate that the Internet offers fans a chance to challenge the code of silence and that contributors to this newsgroup are supportive of lesbians in sport.  相似文献   

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《Home Cultures》2013,10(1):27-47
ABSTRACT

In 1999, Union was officially recognized as a Historic District by the National Register of Historic Places. Although approximately 80 percent of the residents are raced white, Union was identified as a historically black space. The recognition, premised on Union's origins as a town founded by freed slaves in the late nineteenth century, was the culmination of efforts by the Union Community Association. Its members, who are predominantly white, middle class, and newcomers to the area, took on the role of “protecting” their community by gaining official historic recognition, a task that established them as the gatekeepers of history, and black residents as historical artifacts. As Union became established as a historically black community, its social and legal boundaries could act to protect the place against unwanted land developers. While (white) residents took on the role as history's gatekeepers, (black) descendent residents were turned into tangible metonyms for history, authenticating by their presence Union's historic status. Official recognition has allowed the Union Community Association to fence in an oasis of rustic living at the edge of development, while less affluent residents find themselves gated into a stagnant social landscape in which social and economic opportunity has been effectively gated out.  相似文献   

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