Five levels of family planning progress: lessons from Thailand

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has developed terms to categorize nations on the basis of their level of modern contraceptive prevalence. Categorization reveals national family planning elements and circumstances common to each level, aiding policymakers in policy projection and appropriate program formulation. At the lowest prevalence level, emergent countries demonstrate less than 8% modern contraceptive prevalence. Launch countries are from 8-15%, growth countries from 16-34%, consolidation countries from 35-49%, while mature countries range from 50% and higher. Related country characteristics according to respective stages are explored in the paper. Thailand's successful progression through these stages is provided as a model example. For developing countries at a more broad level, launch stage countries should emphasize consensus building for family planning, and consider adopting a national family planning policy. Growth stage countries require effective communication programs, while countries in the consolidation phase need to attract groups from outside of the mainstream. Finally, countries in the mature stage should progressively realize greater responsibility in the private sector for service provision.     

Breastfeeding women and family planning programs: special needs and opportunities

Although breastfeeding makes a major contribution to fertility control and child spacing in many developing countries, the implications of this are not widely recognized. Terminology may be part of the reason. Contraception may imply something modern, whereas the contraceptive effect of breastfeeding is a natural biological mechanism. Also, many family planning program managers are educated in the West, where breastfeeding is of little contraceptive importance. Regardless of where they were educated, they may consider the pregnancy-postponing effects of breastfeeding as mythology, or may consider breastfeeding as sufficiently effective at the individual level. Breastfeeding as a family planning method cannot be "delivered" to women by family planning methods, and requires an educational approach rather than a clinical or medical approach. A women might use breastfeeding more confidently in avoiding an unplanned pregnancy if she begins using a contraceptive method as soon as she resumes menses, when she begins giving her baby food supplements, or by 6 months post partum--whichever comes first. She can achieve high effectiveness in avoiding pregnancy by keeping the baby nearby and feeding on demand, feeding frequently, sleeping near the baby and maintaining nightfeedings, not giving the baby bottles or pacifiers, and giving the baby only breastmilk for at least 4 months. Breastfeeding can only be used by new mothers and cannot be used to postpone the 1st birth. Nor is it appropriate for women who have attained their desired family size, or who wish to avoid or postpone pregnancy at any cost.     

The international family planning movement

Over the past 3 decades, the number of women using family planning has increased 6-fold to over 400 million married women of childbearing age. The evolution of behavior and attitudes toward using birth control among third world couples reflects the goals and hard work of an international network of individuals, governments and organizations. This article follows the progression of this movement, from early opposition in developed as well as developing countries, to the present day, when birth control is practiced by a slight majority of the world's women of childbearing age. Among world regions, contraceptive use ranges from about 17% in Africa to 75% in Asia. In some African countries, however, family planning is still a foreign concept, and fewer than 5% of women use any birth control. International organizations played a crucial role in spread of family planning by providing training for developing country professionals, funding actual family planning programs and helping to evaluate programs. But the success of a country's family planning program also was dependent upon a national commitment, and often on a strong socioeconomic setting. The private sector has had a limited role except in some countries, notably in Latin America, but its involvement is likely to expand in the future. Also, as financial support from the US and international organizations wanes, national governments will cover a larger share of the cost. The worldwide increase in the practice of family planning has led to fertility declines in many third world countries, slowing rapid population growth rates. For individuals, family planning has been a liberating influence, allowing them to participate more fully in the shift from traditional to modern society.     

Case study: fertility decline in Iran

Iran has experienced one of the most successful family planning programs in the developing world, with 64 percent decline in total fertility rate (TFR) between 1986 and 2000. This paper focuses on Iranians’ unique experience with implementation of a national family planning program. Recognition of sensitive moral and ethical aspects of population issues resulted in successful collaboration of technical experts and religious leaders. Involvement of local health workers, women health volunteers and rural midwives led to great community participation. Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data in 2000 indicated a TFR of 2.0 births per women and 74 percent contraceptive use among married women. This case study will help policy makers and researchers in Moslem countries and other developing countries with high fertility rate to consider a successful family program as a realistic concept with positive impacts on nation’s health and human development.     

Contraceptive determinants in three leading countries

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relative importance of access to family planning and the motivation to restrict fertility in determining contraceptive use in three countries that have led the fertility transitions in their regions: Colombia, Tunisia, and Zimbabwe. A structural equations model is estimated where endogenous fertility intentions are allowed to affect contraceptive method use. Simulation methods are then used to quantify the size of the impact of intentions and access on method choice for the three countries. The results demonstrate that even after controlling for fertility intentions, family planning program variables still have important effects in all three countries.     

The multilevel dependence of contraceptive use on socioeconomic development and family planning program strength

Using World Fertility Survey data for 15 developing countries, we estimate an equation in which the dependent variable—whether the respondent has ever used an efficient contraceptive method—depends on the respondent’s education and location of childhood residence. All of the coefficients of this equation, including the intercept, vary over countries. Analysis based on new methodology shows that the intercept and education effects vary as a function of national family planning program efforts and that none of the parameters of the equation depend on gross national product per capita. The results demonstrate the efficacy of multilevel analysis, provide a partial test of the theory underlying the analysis, and refocus discussion of the contributions of development and policy variables to fertility reduction.     

Curbing population growth: lessons from India

India was 1 of the 1st countries to establish a national population policy program to reduce the heavy social and economic burden of rampant population growth. The 1985 US Agency for International Development survey highlights 3 measures that could contribute significantly to the success of population policy and family planning goals: 1) increase the age at marriage for women, 2) lengthen the interval between births, and 3) improve communications. The younger a girl's age at marriage 1) the younger she is likely to get pregnant, 2) the more babies she can have over her lifetime, and 3) the higher the country's population growth rate. The answer to short birth intervals is childspacing through contraceptive methods. The Indian government has already begun to retrain its health workers and other functionaries to enhance their role as communicators. This should do much to counter the attitudes, practices, and lack of knowledge that contribute to India's population growth.     

Men and family planning: toward a policy of male involvement

The stated aim of this discussion is to examine the extent of male use of family planning and the nature of men's role in family planning in developing countries. Case studies are presented which are successful examples of strategies for involving men in family planning. Policies that aim to increase male involvement must be sensitive to cultural values, apply to a decentralized government approach toward information and supplies, include adequate political will, and consider the costs and benefits of changing values. A male family planning policy would not always be compatible with all fertility values in developing countries or traditional values of the older population. A policy should stress the value of male individuals contributing as much as possible for their own and others' welfare. Community participation is considered important in order to create a feeling of mutual support. A sizeable investment will be required for mass distribution of contraceptive information. Schools are viewed as an ideal place for educating youth about the problems of high fertility and about use of family planning methods, such as the condom. Religious organizations should be used to educate people about responsible parenthood and to minimize barriers to use of modern contraception. Comic books on how to use condoms are suggested as a good source. Local authorities who are trusted are useful in influencing acceptance among local populations. Local personnel may be trained as information disseminators. Adequate contraceptive information needs to be supplied to a wide audience. Lack of supply and inadequate information are given as two key reasons for insufficient use of male contraception. Condoms should be priced to be affordable to the average person and free to those with no income. Program strategies that proved successful are cited for Thailand's Mechai Viravaidya program and Bali's grass-roots program. The vasectomy program in Bangladesh is also noted for its success. Low levels of condom use are attributed to factors such as price, education, availability, accessibility, culture, religion, and economic conditions. Male sterilization levels can be enhanced with wider availability of clinics and provision of correct information for challenging beliefs that vasectomy is a form of castration.     

Assessing the impact of a family planning nurse training program in Egypt

In 1991 the Egyptian Ministry of Health introduced a new training program for family planning nurses. The training program stressed the development of nurses' counseling skills. As part of the Operations Research Program, sponsored by Family Health International in collaboration with the Egypt National Family Planning Board, managerial staff from family planning agencies designed and implemented a study to evaluate the impact of the new training program. The study objective was to assess the impact of nurse training on nurse performance in the clinic and on clients' family planning knowledge, attitudes and contraceptive use. The study was designed to provide usable information to family planning managers in the field within a time period of less than one year. The study results indicate that there is an association between improved family planning training for nurses and positive changes in family planning knowledge, attitudes and behavior among women attending MoH clinics in this study. The greatest relative change occurred in knowledge. Women in the experimental group, relative to the control group, displayed increased knowledge about contraceptives, particularly the pill and the IUD. Attitudinal change was less pronounced. Favorable attitudes toward oral contraceptives and condoms became more prevalent, and reports of husband-wife communication about family planning also increased. Finally, although contraceptive use was already high prior to the nurse training, IUD use increased significantly among women in one governorate.     

Redefining family planning programs

The Population Council's issue paper entitled Reconsidering the Rationale, Scope, and Quality of Family Planning Programs calls on family planning programs to focus only on reducing unwanted fertility by helping people meet their own reproductive goals safely and ethically. Many family planning programs have been wrongly handed the extra responsibility of reducing wanted fertility. They have therefore used inappropriate means (e.g., incentives, quotas, and coercion) to boost contraceptive prevalence. If programs do focus on reducing unwanted fertility, they will foster reductions in overall fertility and population growth as well as improvements in clients' health and well-being. A new framework has emerged from this shift in rationale. It sets the stage for expanding the scope, improving the quality, and assessing the impact of family planning programs in terms of client choice, health, and well-being. A program needs to determine the range and quality of family planning services it provides at the local level. Local program managers, policymakers, and consumer interest groups should establish minimum or achievable standards of service based on the local health care capacity. Program items that should be assessed include choice of methods, information for clients, technical competence, interpersonal relations, mechanisms to encourage continuity of care, and appropriate constellation of services. The Population Council has conducted rapid appraisals of the quality of care of family planning services to help local program managers to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of their programs. The HARI (Helping Individuals Achieve their Reproductive Intentions) Index measures a program's success in helping clients safely prevent unwanted or unplanned pregnancy. Program managers can conduct a self-assessment that revolves around answering four questions. Family planning services are an important social investment and are essential to development.     

Do incentives matter? – Evaluation of a family planning program in India

Indian Family Planning programs in the past haveintroduced a number of approaches such as providingmonetary benefits, and motivational programs toimprove contraceptive use among rural illiteratewomen. Under the Ammanpettai family welfare program,the Melatur PHC administered three program typesinvolving a combination of monetary and motivationalapproaches to improve contraceptive use in threetreatment areas. The program was introduced duringJanuary 1989 and was simultaneously discontinued aftera period of two years. The present evaluation wasconducted in 1994. Data from a random sample of 933non-sterilized women at the time of social surveyusing a questionnaire approach is used in this study. The implementation of incentive programs in asocio-economically homogenous population has resultedin an increase in the likelihood of current ofcontraceptive use. The results of this study suggestthat motivational programs are more likely to improvelong term use of temporary family planning methodsthan cash incentive programs. One implication of ourfinding is that motivational programs should provide peer based family planning education and training incommunity work to contact persons who make door todoor visits to promote family planning programs.     

Community-based contraceptive distribution: a Korean success story

The results of a community-based contraceptive distribution program using village women canvassers in Cheju Island province, Korea, are evaluated. This rural province had the highest fertility and lowest contraceptive use before the project began. After pre-testing in another area, township-level family planning field workers recruited 365 new female canvassers per 150 women at risk of pregnancy, compared to 10,000-25,000 per worker in the previous scheme. The canvassers were to contact every household, offering them pills or condoms, or vouchers for an IUD or sterilization from the clinic. The former target system, which in reality had limited the numbers of acceptors, was suspended, necessitating an increase in budget outlays for family planning in Cheju province. By 1985 the contraceptive prevalence had doubled, and fertility fell 40.1 and 32.4% in the 2 Cheju counties. Costs per couple-year for the Cheju program were lower than those in other areas. The results of this project suggested that increasing the number of community workers or canvassers in rural areas helps reduce barriers to the use of contraceptives.     

Adding choice to the contraceptive mix: lessons from Indonesia

Researchers asked 1945 women of reproductive age living in East Java, Indonesia what contraceptive method they preferred during the women's 1st visit to a government family planning clinic. Soon after field workers introduced them to a method, the researchers asked the women what method the field workers suggested and what method the women planned to use. They again spoke to them 1 year later to determine contraception continuation. The field workers granted 86.3% of the women their method choice. Only 9% of these women had stopped using their chosen method while 72% of the women who were not allowed to use their chosen method stopped using the method assigned to them. Thus choice was a key factor in sustained use of contraceptives. Further if family planning workers stick to a mutual participation of both themselves and their clients, they respect clients' method choices and, by informing clients about the chosen method, they strengthen clients' decision making. In the early 1990s, another researcher had developed a system to determine contraceptive needs at various stages of the reproductive period (before 1st marriage, after 1st marriage but prior to 1st birth, after 1st birth but prior to last birth, and after last birth). She applied observed contraceptive preferences for women using contraception within each life cycle stage to the age specific contraception need, derived from data from the 1987 Contraceptive Prevalence Survey for Indonesia, to determine the ideal contraceptive mix. Her calculations demonstrated that oral contraceptive use was high, IUD use was low, particularly among older women, and too few sterilizations had occurred, particularly among older women. Thus Indonesia needed to broaden the contraceptive mix to encourage methods that better meet women's reproductive life cycle needs.     

Family Planning and Child Health Care: Effect of the Peruvian Programa de Salud Reproductiva y Planificación Familiar, 1996–2000

Our study estimates the effects of exposure to a family planning program which promoted surgical contraception for the first time in Peru on women's use of birth control methods and their children's health. While a broad program, the Programa de Salud Reproductiva y Planificación Familiar forced many indigenous women to undergo sterilization. We compare provinces affected by the program earlier with provinces affected later, before and after the policy. Overall, the results indicate that women in treated areas were more likely to use both temporary and permanent contraceptive methods and their children were less likely to die within their first year of life, partly due to longer breastfeeding. However, we observe heterogeneity by ethnicity. In treated provinces, nonindigenous children benefited from the policy regardless of their mothers’ choice of contraceptive method, while there were few positive impacts for indigenous children whose mothers underwent sterilization. This suggests that coercive or aggressively implemented family planning programs may not confer health benefits on children.     

Falling fertility in Indonesia: success in national family planning

This publication summarizes the findings of the National Indonesia Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (NICPS), which revealed a rapid decline in Indonesia's fertility rate. This article also describes how the successful Indonesia family planning program is designed and maintained. Since 1975, fertility rates have dropped from 5.5 to 3.3 children per woman. Those practicing contraception during the same period has risen from 400,000 couples to 17 million. Contraceptive education is high (e.g. 95% of all married Indonesian woman are familiar with a modern contraceptive method). The Indonesia family planning program cooperates with other government activities designed to improve people's health and welfare. It emphasizes access to contraceptive methods and promoting the idea small family. The program was structured to us extensive community involvement, and cultural beliefs were incorporated into program policy; Islamic leaders were consulted before program implementation. The program is flexible so that the differing needs of each region can be effectively met by the family planning program. The future main goal will be to contain a potential population boom when the 40% of the present population which is under 15 years of age becomes reproductively mature.     

Why women who don't want to get pregnant don't use contraception

In the developing world about 120 million women have an unmet need for contraception. They want to postpone childbearing, yet they do not use contraception, often because of the unavailability of services and supplies. However, according to a recent article by John Bongaarts, the primary factors are lack of knowledge about a contraceptive method, concern about side effects, and the disapproval of the male partner in developing countries. Lack of knowledge means inability to describe the uses of a contraceptive, its side effects, and the locale of its availability. An approximate knowledge index was calculated for such women, which showed that knowledge level positively correlated with contraceptive prevalence. Countries where the index was below 50% had a contraceptive prevalence of 8% only. The determinant reasons why women were reluctant to use the pill, IUD, and sterilization had to do with health and the fear of side effects, such as nausea and increased bleeding. The contraceptive prevalence among these women was reduced by 71% for the pill, 86% for the IUD, and 52% for sterilization. In Sub-Saharan countries nearly 70% of women cited partner disapproval of contraception, although they had never discussed family planning with their partners. The central concept for reducing unmet need is access with quality, which means that services are voluntary, safe, and appropriate in delivery. Some of the recommendations to reduce the unmet need for contraception include: one-on-one same-sex discussions to increase contraceptive knowledge and acceptability; sensitive responses by programs to their client's health concerns; support by service providers to women negotiating with male partners in order to mitigate male disapproval; and sex education and family planning services to reduce unwanted and early sexual contact and pregnancy while girls develop identities apart from mothering roles.     

Assessment of family planning programme effects on births: Preliminary results obtained through direct matching of birth and programme acceptor records

Abstract In order to match birth and family planning acceptance records and thereby to obtain estimates of pre- and post-acceptance fertility, use is made of seven-digit national identity card numbers, issued to all adult West Malaysians. These unique numbers are recorded on live-birth records and national family planning programme acceptor records of West Malaysian women. The application and preliminary results of this method of direct computer matching of these sets of records for assessing the effects of a family planning programme on fertility are described. Pre- and post-acceptance fertility rates are presented in terms of contraceptive methods used, and the key characteristics of race and age of programme acceptors, and are discussed in terms of marital duration and number of children at the time of acceptance.     

The dynamics of contraceptive adoption in Bohol,Philippines: 1976-1978

A researcher analyzed 1976 and 1978 data on 414 rural women who had never used a family planning method to prevent pregnancy and lived in the predominantly Catholic island province of Bohol in the Philippines to look at the influence certain aspects of the family planning program, begun in 1976, as predictors of changes in contraceptive behavior. 34.5% accepted contraception between 1976-1978. The researchers learned that couple traits (e.g., age, income, education, and religiosity) had only an indirect effect on change in contraceptive behavior. A desire to stop, limit, or space births (motivation) was a strong predictor of family planning method acceptance (p.001). Further couples who clinic providers contacted the most often or who had received more family planning services (services) were much more likely to use contraceptives (p.001). Indeed a significant relationship existed between motivation and services (p.001). Moreover couples who were truly motivated to use family planning methods did not let distance to family planning services prevent them from seeking these services (p.001). On the other hand, couples who confronted personal obstacles to family planning including social, psychological, and other subjective costs (cost index) tended not to accept family planning methods (p.001). A negative association existed between services and location of households vis a vis the intervention program (p.001) which indicated that the program did have an effect in the area of the province where it was located. In conclusion, the strongest predictors of change in contraceptive behavior included motivation, services, and cost index. Services and cost index indicated the great importance of interpersonal and/or client staff contact, especially since they were more important in influencing behavior change than distance and family planning site.