对50余年前汉民族形成问题讨论的新思索

本文通过对50余年前国内史学界关于汉民族形成问题讨论所形成的悬案的考察,提出:当年论辩双方的根本性失误在于没有全面地把握斯大林以及列宁所言"民族"(нация/nation)的内涵和外延,没有理解汉语"民族"能表述两种不同层次的人们共同体,从而将汉民族中的"民族"(ethnic group)概念与中华民族的"民族"(nation)概念相互混淆了。通过回顾、探讨和反思50余年前的汉民族形成问题的学术旧题,我们既可从学理上加强认识中华民族是既古老又年轻的民族,又可以进一步认清中华民族人们共同体是一个由多民族(ethnic groups)共同构成的民族(nation),而汉民族与构成中华民族的其他少数民族是在同一层次上的人们共同体,相互之间既不分高下、也不分核心和边缘。     

试析民族与中华民族概念

民族概念至今没有一个统一的界定.汉语"民族"一词是为中国本土的词汇.由于中国近代革命的发展和世界民族主义思潮的影响,"民族"一词在国内开始普遍使用.一般而言,广义的民族,是指处于不同社会发展阶段的各种人们共同体或者一个国家或地区的各民族;狭义的民族概念,通常指斯大林提出的民族概念.民族作为一种社会现象,在阶级、国家消亡之后,民族将走向消亡."多元一体"是中华民族的特色,其中56个民族是基层,中华民族是总体.中华民族既是多元一体文化的主体,也是中国多民族国家的主体.在近现代中国,中华民族概念的确立,对于团结御侮、抗击列强,推动民族民主革命的历史进程具有重要意义.     

铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究的三个维度

文章基于我国“统一的多民族国家”的基本国情和已有的研究成果,提出铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究的三个维度：“民族－民族”关系视角、“民族－国家”理论视角和“国家－民族”理论视角。 三个维度各有其特定的内涵和要求,且彼此联系,相辅相成,显示了以“５６个民族－中华民族－国家”为主体的不同研究层次：基础层次的民族关系发展;中间层次的中华民族构建;目标层次的现代国家治理,三者共同构成对铸牢中华民族共同体意识的整体性认识,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究持续推进并走向完善,提供进一步思考的空间。     

超越“民族—国家”理论：从“国家—民族”理论看铸牢中华民族共同体意识

中国民族理论和铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究必须符合本国国情,应超越西方式的“民族—国家”理论,从国家与中华民族整体的利益出发找回“国家”并给予其以民族之上的位置,即从“国家—民族”理论视角去研究铸牢中华民族共同体意识,主要体现在三个层面：基础层次的民族关系、上位层次的国家全局、“国家—民族”关系互动下的中国式现代国家发展。同时,“国家—民族”理论并不是西方所言的民族主义,而是一种强调国家利益、国家认同至上,将国家统一、政治一体奉为第一价值同时包容多元民族、多元文化的“新国家主义”,这一理念为世界其他国家的国家建设和国家治理提供了中国智慧,也对当下的铸牢中华民族共同体意识理论研究和民族工作实践提供了重要的启示。     

关于斯大林民族定义及其相关理论问题的思考

斯大林民族定义是中国民族理论中最广为人知又最富争议的定义,科学解读该定义对于准确运用该定义认识民族的发展过程具有重要意义.本文通过对斯大林民族定义在运用于汉民族形成问题上时引起的矛盾进行分析,指出造成该定义本身科学性和特定指向性矛盾的客观原因,提出民族形成的关键在于民族文化认同的形成.同时在梳理东西方民族不同发展轨迹的过程中,提出文化民族概念,分析政治民族形成,归纳出作为人们共同体的民族发展的一般过程.     

论民族认同的概念及其层次

民族认同理论是近年来国内外专家学者在多个学科领域研究探讨的重点话题,其在促进中华民族团结统一和构建社会主义和谐社会上具有重要的理论价值和实践意义,是新形势下爱国主义理论的拓展和创新.民族和认同两者的概念探讨出民族认同的概念及双重属性;民族认同可划分为文化认同、价值认同、历史认同、政治认同四个层次.重视民族认同理论,对解决中国当前民族问题以及多元文化背景下各民族共生共荣发展提供了现实解决途径.     

中华民族共同体意识的概念构成、内涵特质及铸牢举措

铸牢中华民族共同体意识是促进民族团结进步、为社会稳定发展凝心聚力的重要举措,很有必要对中华民族共同体意识的概念构成与内涵特质进行深入剖析,进行采取相应的铸牢举措。在概念构成方面,中华民族共同体意识由"中华民族"、"意识"和"共同体"三个名词组合而成,对中华民族共同体意识的概念认识应当从这三个名词的概念上进行综合性把握。在内涵特质方面,"共同性"是中华民族共同体意识的根本属性,以对家园共同体、利益共同体、发展共同体、价值共同体所形成的看法为指向。在工作举措方面,要重点做好三方面工作:面向目标任务、抓住主线、深入研究和解决铸牢中华民族共同体意识的方法论问题。     

国族、民族与族群:作为国族的中华民族如何可能

国族、民族和族群,是三个不同层次的概念。长期以来,作为国族的中华民族,与诸如汉、满、蒙、藏、回这样的原生性民族,都被称为民族,在理论概念和实践层面都带来了不少混乱。大多数的现代民族国家,国族内部有多个民族,民族内外有多个族群。国族不等同于主体民族,中华民族是由56个民族与族群组成的,是与现代国家同构的、具有国民身份同一性的国族。     

“和”与“合”：论民族团结与铸牢中华民族共同体意识的逻辑关系

从理论上看,民族团结与铸牢中华民族共同体意识是两个既有边界,又有着深刻内在逻辑联系的重要概念。两者在概念、价值理念上有所差异。同时,两者又相辅相成、相互促进。民族团结的“和”是中华民族共同体意识的“合”形成的基础,铸牢中华民族共同体意识是民族团结的高级阶段。铸牢中华民族共同体意识作为高一级的团结层次,对民族团结有着更大的制约性和更强的影响力。促进民族团结和铸牢中华民族共同体意识的核心要件具有内在一致性。“和”与“合”相统一,体现着新时代中国共产党在民族问题认识上的一种深化,从而在民族政策上的一种反映。新时代的民族工作要以“合”为引领,坚持一体的主线和方向;要以“和”为基础,在实现民族团结的过程中铸牢中华民族共同体意识。     

中华民族认同与铸牢中华民族共同体意识

中华民族认同和中华民族共同体意识是研究中华民族问题时不能回避的两个概念。当前学界在研究铸牢中华民族共同体意识问题时出现了忽视中华民族认同问题，强调的“共同性”是指56个民族之间的共同性，把中华民族作为56个民族的总称，甚至否认中华民族是民族实体。中华民族认同是中华民族共同体意识的基底与主干，中华民族认同和中华民族共同体意识都体现着对“中华民族”的情感归属与赞同。铸牢中华民族共同体意识要建构科学的中华民族观，并在社会生活中传播中华民族知识，同时，要依据中华民族的结构、历史、文化等民族特点来构建中华民族的经济、政治、文化和命运共同体。     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

Oestrogen Rising 2016: Ireland’s stained and bloodied cloths

A weaver, seamstress, laundress and artist, in this essay I shall spin a yarn, tangle a web, and construct a text(ile) of the inter-weave of narrative and identity that I define as my intellectual, textual, somatic and material/visual practice obsessions. My work explores ‘the places in-between’ in the entanglements of Irish and Northern Irish gender and identity, and in the abject fabrics of death and of desire. As an Irish feminist, sense-making of the complexities, conundrums, challenges and contradictions of my land, my cloth, my body and my culture owes much to Irish women before me who fought for female suffrage, and Irish women now – north and south of the border that divides the island of Ireland – who still struggle for equality of citizenship, social justice, human rights, and full reproductive autonomy. My contention is that when we accept that Ireland herself is a many-layered cloth, a stained and bloodied cloth, a cloth marked irreversibly by history, conflict, denial and abuse, stained by its own repression, marked through denial of all its people’s rights and needs, and bloodied by its greatest export, the haemorrhage of its people, then – polemical, didactic or reflective, with more compassion, empathy, humility and heart – we just might make peace with our past.     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

热贡鲁若中"玛泽"与藏族历史的渊源关系

文章从历史学、宗教学、民俗学等角度,将流行于黄南藏族自治州同仁县隆务河流域的六月会主体节目之一"玛泽"的文化内涵进行了新的探讨,并就"玛泽"节目的历史和宗教渊源关系,民俗形成过程,以及对军事、生产活动中的意义提出了自己的看法.     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系考察研究

岷江上游羌族宗教信仰是多元混杂的,导致这种现象的产生,既有历史的因素,又有现实的因素.历史的因素可追溯到古羌人时代,从那里我们可寻羌族宗教信仰之渊源的一些踪迹;现实的因素可从羌族地处藏彝走廊,受汉藏文化影响的现状中去采撷一些实际的表现.本文拟就羌族原始宗教信仰中的藏文化因子,羌族天神信仰与藏族民间宗教信仰的渊源,羌族和藏族有关人类起源传说的相似与区分,羌族原始宗教信仰与佛教文化的糅合等方面对羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系作一较为深入的考察分析.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.