Does “Smarter” Lead to Safer? An Assessment of the US Border Accords with Canada and Mexico

The terrorist attacks of September 11 and their immediate aftermath along the US‐Canadian and US‐Mexican borders focused attention on border management strategies in ways previously unimaginable. Suddenly confronted by the fact that existing systems and processes were not particularly effective either at protecting security or facilitating legitimate traffic, the United States, in conjunction with the Canadian and Mexican Governments, demonstrated an uncharacteristic willingness to reconceptualize its approach to physical borders. While initiating a series of internal policy adjustments to secure themselves against terrorist threats, the US, Canadian, and Mexican Governments also signed two bilateral agreements — the 12 December 2001 United States‐Canada Smart Border Declaration and the 22 March 2002 United States‐Mexico Border Partnership Agreement. These agreements represent an important development in the US's relationship with each of its North American neighbours, acknowledging not only the deep economic, social, and cultural ties, but also the new reality that the United States cannot attain the additional security it desires through unilateral actions alone. Thus, while September 11 forced a reassessment of vulnerabilities, it simultaneously provided the United States an opportunity to work more systematically with its contiguous neighbours for security benefits, a realization likely to flow into other areas where the benefits of cooperation eclipse those of unilateralism. This paper analyses the first year of the two border accords, tracking their implementation and evaluating their successes and failures. Most importantly, the paper outlines outstanding challenges, highlights steps that the governments should take to achieve additional border security and efficiency, and draws conclusions regarding factors likely to make their efforts more, or less, successful.     

The Significance of the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks for United States‐Bound Migration in the Western Hemisphere

The economic and political effects of the September 11 terrorist attacks weakened Latin American and Caribbean economies, reduced employment among Western Hemisphere immigrants living in the United States, and hindered new migrants' access to U.S. territory. Thus, the 9/11 events probably increased long‐term motivations for northward migration in the hemisphere, while discouraging and postponing international population movement in the short run. In addition, the terrorist assaults dealt a sharp setback to a promising dialogue on immigration policies between the United States and Mexico. Those discussions had appeared to herald constructive new policies towards migration into the U.S. from Mexico and possibly other nations in the hemisphere. A series of significant international migrant flows in South and Central America and in the Caribbean, not involving the United States, are unfortunately beyond the scope of this brief essay. I will first describe the consequences of the September 11 assaults for U.S.‐bound migration in the hemisphere, before turning to consider future social, economic and policy paths.     

From nationalism to continentalism: Twenty years of energy policy in Canada

This article offers a theoretical framework for understanding the Canadian energy policy of the last two decades. Starting with a review of the Canadian literature on the topic, the article reviews the main constitutional features of Canadian federalism, which attributes complementary powers to both the central government and the energy-producing provinces, in this strategic area of economic activity. He suggests that major changes in the international environment and new domestic determinants, such as the aboriginal issue, brought about a breakdown of Canada's traditional equilibrium between national and provincial jurisdictions. The article also discusses the main implications of the North American Free Trade Agreement since its implementation in 1989, concluding that a thorough process of “globalization” of the energy market is well under way between Canada and the United States.     

Window on the world. From modest rights to commodification in Canada's welfare state

This paper examines the rise and decline of Canada's welfare state from 1945 to the end of the century. The years to the mid-1960s were marked by the introduction of an array of social programmes that produced a system inferior to that of the major western European countries, but distinctly superior to that of the United States. These developments gave 'modest social rights' to Canada's residents, whilst not fundamentally challenging the market base of the society. The years since 1971 have been marked by retreat, influenced by three considerations: the world oil crisis of 1973, which imported significant inflation to Canada and resulted in large government deficits; the threat of separatism in Quebec, which resulted in a massive devolution of authority from the central government to the provinces; and the Free Trade Agreement with the United States (reflecting a more general rise in neo-conservatism), which further integrated the economies and societies of the two countries. The impact of these changes has been to increasingly commodify social benefits within a market context, so that Esping-Andersen's 1989 classification of Canada as a 'liberal' welfare state has undoubtedly proved accurate, though a decade later than he identified. The paper explores benefits for children and the right to food as case illustrations of these fundamental changes.     

Privacy in the Information Age

In recent years, surveillance has become an increasingly salientpolitical issue in the United States. In this article we presentdata on public opinion about privacy invasions and surveillancetechniques since 1990. Generally speaking, the polls show thatconcern about threats to personal privacy has been growing inrecent years. Although the public was temporarily willing toexpand the government’s investigative powers in the aftermathof the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, support for mostforms of surveillance has declined.     

From “Shared Responsibility” to a Migration Agreement? The Limits for Cooperation in the Mexico‐United States Case (2000–2008)1

Why were the Mexican and United States governments unable to establish formal cooperation for the management of migration flows even after agreeing on the need for a “shared responsibility” approach and establishing an agenda for negotiations on a bilateral agreement in the spring of 2001? Conventional wisdom is that the terrorist attacks of September 11th were the main reason for the shift from a bilateral to a unilateral approach to the management of US‐Mexico migration flows. Although this event changed the US government’s foreign policy priorities, in order to understand the reasons why the proposal for a migration agreement failed, it is necessary to look beyond the security context that permeated the US agenda after September 11th and analyse the underlying structural, domestic and ideological factors that influenced the governments’ positions during and after the negotiations. By examining the context of power asymmetry in the US‐Mexico relationship, the domestic politics that surround the issue and public perceptions of immigration in the United States, this paper identifies the challenges implied in efforts to expand bilateral cooperation over migration issues in the NAFTA framework. The fact that both countries’ migration policies are mostly pursued unilaterally despite the acceptance of a “shared responsibility” raises key questions regarding the limits of regional integration and bilateral or multilateral cooperation for the management of migration.     

The Securitization of Migration: A Racial Discourse1

As we enter the informational economy, freedom of human mobility has nearly disappeared. Instead, powerful words are travelling the globe unhindered: risk and security. They are being strung together with the present “migration phenomena”, leaving migrants bound by the chain of the new security discourse: the securitization of migration. This discourse is racism's most modern form. Discursive practices, as seen through the press portrayal of 599 migrants reaching Canada's western coast, have transformed migrants into agents which threaten “human security” How discourse informs government policy is illustrated through an examination of Canada's new immigration legislation.     

The Polls-Trends: Arab and Muslim Americans and Islam in the aftermath of 9/11

The terrorist attacks against the United States on September11, 2001, fueled widespread concern and speculation about mountingIslamophobic sentiment among Americans in response to the events.To monitor developments in opinions about Muslims and Arabs(both living in the United States and abroad) and attitudestoward the Islamic faith, survey organizations began to assessmore regularly Americans’ attitudes on these topics. Ianalyze developments in public sentiment about Arab and MuslimAmericans and Islam in the age of the war on terror using availablepublic opinion data. The data analyses in this study suggestthat Americans possess lingering resentment and reservationsabout Arab and Muslim Americans. The evidence also reveals lowlevels of awareness about basic elements of Islam but growinganxiety about Islam’s (especially Islamic fundamentalism’s)compatibility with Western values of tolerance, acceptance,and civility. Some of the sharpest movement in opinion dynamicswe observe is in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks,but opinion levels stabilize shortly thereafter. Monitoringthese developments as the war on terror continues is crucial.     

Constructing undesirables: A critical discourse analysis of ‘othering’ within the Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act

Immigration policy in Canada has recently shifted, reflecting changes in other Western countries. We studied the discursive constructions of forced migrants within Bill C‐31 “Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act” and its associated Backgrounder documents published by the Canadian Government. The documents were analysed using an approach to critical discourse analysis adapted from Bacchi's (2009) methodology and informed by a theoretical framework of “othering”. Particular groups of migrants were represented as posing threats to the economy, the integrity of the refugee system, and national security. The documents offered three solutions: the creation of specific categories of migrants, an emphasis upon efficiency of the system, and expanded powers to the government. The problematization of asylum seekers as posing multiple threats to Canadian society obfuscates governmental responsibilities to this population and reflects common strategies of neoliberal governance.     

COMMON DRIVERS OF TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM: PRINCIPAL COMPONENT ANALYSIS

This article applies principal component analysis to decompose transnational terrorism during 1970–2007 into common (worldwide) and idiosyncratic (country‐specific) factors. Regardless of alternative thresholds and filtering procedures, a single common factor is related to individual countries' transnational terrorist events. Based on a conventional criterion, Lebanon's transnational terrorism is the key common driver of global transnational terrorist incidents. With a more conservative criterion, four additional countries—United States, Germany, Iraq, and the United Kingdom—are core countries in explaining cross‐sectional correlation across 106 countries' transnational terrorism. The analysis shows that there is a marked cross‐sectional dependence among transnational terrorist incidents worldwide. (JEL C38, H56)     

Redress for old wounds: Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's apology for the Chinese head tax

This essay examines how political leaders apologize for historical injustices. Specifically, we analyze Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's apology for the head tax imposed upon Chinese immigrants. The prime minister's apology was historic in that it marked the first time a Canadian Prime Minister formally apologized for the head tax. We argue that Harper used a combination of the frontier myth and collective apology rhetoric in his expression of remorse toward the Chinese-Canadian community. While controversial, this rhetoric created a discursive space for a constructive and strengthened relationship between the Chinese-Canadian community and the Canadian government.     

Class contradictions in Canada's international setting*

Un modèle théorique de quatre contradictions de classe est proposé pour le Canada considéré dans le contexte de ses relations avec les Etats-Unis et certains “tiers pays.” Ces contradictions s'appellent l'exploitation de la classe industrielle, l'oppression de la classe de distribution, l'oppression de la classe de consommateurs et l'oppression de la classe financière. L'exploitation de la classe industrielle trouve son origine dans la théorie de Karl Marx d'exploitation d'une classe par une autre; l'oppression de la classe financière et des classes de distribution et de consommateurs peut être considéréé comme en étant directement ou indirectement dépendante de l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. L'exploitation de la classe industrielle se trouve située à l'intérieur de la sphère de production canadienne, dans laquelle les investissements américains au Canada représentent une part considérable tandis que l'oppression des classes financière, de distribution et de consommation se trouve située dans la sphère de la distribution, qui tend àêtre plus nationalement contrôlée par la classe capitaliste canadienne. Par conséquent, la dépendance du Canada envers les Etats-Unis se trouve expliquée par la dépendance de l'oppression des classes financière, de consommation et de distribution par rapport à l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. Etant donné que les investissements étrangers dans les tiers pays provenant du Canada reflètent la division à l'intérieur du Canada entre production et distribution par nationalité, la domination relative du Canada dans les tiers pays s'explique par la dépendance de l'oppression des classes financière, de distribution et de consommation dans ces pays par des capitalistes canadiens du pays même à la dépendance de classe du Canada par rapport aux Etats-Unis par le biais de l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. Quelques conclusions ont pu en être tirées pour une théorie des transformations structurelles aux échelons national et international. A theoretical model of four class contradictions is proposed for Canada considered in the context of its relations with the United States and “third countries.”¹ These contradictions are industrial class exploitation, circulation class oppression, consumer class oppression, and financial class oppression. Industrial class exploitation is rooted in Karl Marx's theory of class exploitation, and circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression are viewed as directly or indirectly dependent on industrial class exploitation. Industrial class exploitation is located within the sphere of Canadian production which is largely supported by us investment, while circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression are located within the sphere of circulation more of which tends to be indigenously controlled by the Canadian capitalist class. Therefore, the dependence of Canada on the United States is traced to the dependence of circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression on industrial class exploitation. Since foreign investments in third countries originating from Canada reflect the internal Canadian division between production and circulation by nationality, Canada's relative dominance in third countries is traced to the dependence of circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression in these countries by indigenous Canadian capitalists on Canada's class dependence on the United States through industrial class exploitation. Some implications are drawn for a theory of structural transformations at the national and international levels.     

Cultures of Denial: Avoiding Knowledge of State Violations of Human Rights in Argentina and the United States

Why and how do individuals distance themselves from information about their government's participation in torture and other human rights violations? Such citizen (non)response implicitly legitimates and thus facilitates the continuation of abusive state actions. Drawing on a model of socially organized denial, we explore how sociocultural contexts and practices mediate individuals’ avoidance, justification, normalization, silencing, and outright denial of human rights abuses in two sites: Argentina during the last military dictatorship (1976–1983) and the United States during the “war on terror” post September 11, 2001. The study is based on 40 in‐depth interviews with members of diverse civic, religious, community, and political organizations in both countries (20 in each site). Comparing the political circumstances of a dictatorship and an electoral democracy, the analysis shows the roles of patriotic and national security ideologies and practices of silence and talk as organizers of cultures of denial.     

Subnational Migration States and the New Politics of Immigration

Using Catherine Dauvergne's The New Politics of Immigration and the End of Settler Society (2016) as a starting point, this article explores subnational policy dynamics in Canada, Australia and the United States. It considers whether the trends associated with legalization, two-step programmes, rapid policy changes and economic discourses are present in Canadian provinces as well as in U.S. and Australian states. It shows that the forces described by Dauvergne contribute to a further rescaling of policymaking and to the emergence of subnational migration states. However, this article also demonstrates that this common movement varies in its consequences and identifies two central subnational policy responses typical of the new politics of immigration: 1) the “economic subnational migration state” (Canada and Australia) and 2) the “access subnational migration state” (United States). The models and the global trends described in this article have implications for immigration policymaking in federations.     

It’s All in the Name: Employment Discrimination Against Arab Americans1

Following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, Arab Americans faced increased discrimination that permeated almost every aspect of their lives. Previous research has documented the negative attention toward Arab Americans after 9/11 and the effect it has had on this community. However, less research has focused on discrimination against Arab Americans during the process of obtaining employment in the United States. To address this gap in the current literature, we conducted a correspondence study in which we randomly assigned a typical white‐sounding name or a typical Arab‐sounding name to two similar fictitious résumés. We sent résumés to 265 jobs over a 15‐month period. We found that an Arab male applicant needed to send two résumés to every one résumé sent by a white male applicant to receive a callback for an interview by the hiring personnel. Our findings suggest that the difference in callbacks may be the result of discrimination against the perceived race/ethnicity of the applicant by the hiring personnel.     

Comparing the Social Attitudes of Young Adult Evangelicals in Canada and the United States: Differences in Subcultural Boundaries among Evangelical School Graduates

In this study, we examine social trust and the social attitudes of young adult evangelicals in the United States and Canada to better understand how national context shapes these attitudes. While some differences are predictable in light of national cultural differences, other differences between Canadian evangelical school graduates and American evangelical school graduates do not mirror national differences in the larger population of public school graduates. Here we suggest that differences are better understood by the ways evangelicals draw selectively from their cultural (and religious subcultural) repertoires to create unique boundaries. In general, we find lower levels of social trust and more restrictive subcultural boundaries in the United States.     

Revisiting the Work Ethic in America

Starting with a reflection on the September 11th, 2001, terrorist attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center and the corporate fraud and bankruptcies of 2002, the authors provide an overview of the professional literature concerning the origins, evolution, practice, and future implications of the work ethic in the United States. Discussion focuses on the American work ethic from both a historical and a modern‐day perspective, highlighting the formation of what is now considered a major paradigm of work; views on the changing nature of the work ethic, especially for women and members of minority groups; and implications for career counselors.     

The Cost of Not Being Christian: Hindus,Sikhs and Muslims in Britain and Canada

This article compares foreign born Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims to native born white Christians on four economic outcomes in two nations: Britain and Canada. For Canada, our data come from the 1991 Census, for Britain from the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities (1994). Theory and research lead us to predict that, ceteris paribus, non‐Christians will fare better in Canada on three of the four outcomes. In the main, however, this expectation does not hold up. Compared to their British counterparts, Canada's Muslims fare less well on labor force participation and Canada's Hindus and Sikhs less well on unemployment. Compared to their Canadian counterparts, British Muslims fare less well on unemployment. On occupation and earnings, we detect no cross‐national differences. To explain the paucity of cross‐national disparities, we draw on Reitz's argument that Canada's reputation as an attractive immigrant destination has been exaggerated. To explain the few differences we do find, we emphasize cross‐national differences in religious discrimination and our inability to control adequately for differences in sending countries.     

Dependent industrialization and the Canadian class structure

Dans le passé, deux conclusions différentes ont été tirées sur les effets de l'histoire du Canada sur l'industrialisation, par rapport aux structures de classes canadiennes. D'une part, on a tiré argument du fait que le Canada a engendré une structure de classes non caractéristique au sein des pays capitalistes évolués et d'autre part, que les filiales (branch plant) ont crée l'américanisation de la structure de classes canadiennes. Dans cet article, nous étudions ces arguments en nous servant de données d'études similaires, faites au Canada, en Suède et aux Etats-Unis. Les résultats appuient les deux hypothéses. La structure canadienne des classes porte l'empreinte d'un precédé de développement tronqué mais elle a aussi incorporé dans une forte mesure un ensemble de pratiques clairement américaines quant à l'organisation du processus de production capitaliste. Les firmes américaines et canadiennes déploient également une proportion beaucoup plus forte de main-d'oeuvre en ce qui concerne le contrôle et la surveillance des autres travailleurs et cette tendance est beaucoup plus prononcée au sein des secteurs de l'économie canadienne traditionellement dominés par le capital américain. In the past, two quite different sets of claims have been advanced concerning the effects of Canada's history of dependent industrialization on the Canadian class structure. It has been argued, on the one hand, that Canada has evolved a distorted class structure that is atypical among advanced capitalist countries, and on the other, that the branch plant brought with it the ‘Americanization’ of the Canadian class structure. In this paper we examine these claims with data from identical national surveys conducted in Canada, Sweden, and the United States. The results yield support for both sets of claims. The Canadian class structure bears the imprint of a truncated development process but, in addition, has to a large degree incorporated a distinctively American set of practices for the organization of the capitalist production process. Both Canadian and American firms deploy a much higher proportion of labour power in the work of control and surveillance of other workers, and this tendency is much more pronounced in those sectors of the Canadian economy traditionally dominated by American capital.