Britain and the Jewish community of Iraq, 1948–51: An aspect of British policy in the Middle East

British policy after the Second World War was designed to maintain her influence in the Middle East. As a result, she worked to prevent any destabilization of the region's nations and especially to preserve the existent pro‐British regimes.

The Iraqi royal government was weak, depending mainly on its army. The riots of January 1948 proved how tenuous the government's position was. Here Britain invested great efforts in preventing conditions from damaging the regime or destroying it. This explains why the British were not active on behalf of the Jewish community, which at the time suffered from a policy of discrimination and persecution.

The British assumed that the problem of the Jewish minority in Iraq could not be divorced from overall Jewish‐Arab relations or those between Israel and the Arab states, and that the Iraqi Jewish community's fate was inevitable given the events in Palestine. Moreover, despite the pressure from extremist quarters in Iraq to banish all the Jews and expropriate their property, the Iraqi government's policy was not that extreme, and it sought at least to defend their lives and prevent a recurrence of the June 1941 pogrom. Despite this, Israel exploited the Iraqi Jewish community's situation to attain her own political and economic ends.     

‘The Sunshine of Manly Sports and Pastimes’: Sport and the Integration of Jewish Refugees in Britain, 1895–1914

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Jewish refugees arriving in Great Britain were exposed to an ‘anglicisation’ campaign designed to aid their integration into British society and their assimilation of British character traits and cultural values. Within this campaign, especially the element focusing on the children of the migrants, interest and participation in sport was consciously ‘transferred’ through the medium of youth and sporting organisations in order to help in their ‘anglicisation’. This essaywill show how physical recreation was promoted by the English Jewish establishment and how participation in sport amongst young Jews grew.     

Cultures of care? Animals and science in Britain

It is becoming increasingly common to hear life scientists say that high quality life science research relies upon high quality laboratory animal care. However, the idea that animal care is a crucial part of scientific knowledge production is at odds with previous social science and historical scholarship regarding laboratory animals. How are we to understand this discrepancy? To begin to address this question, this paper seeks to disentangle the values of scientists in identifying animal care as important to the production of high quality scientific research. To do this, we conducted a survey of scientists working in the United Kingdom who use animals in their research. The survey found that being British is associated with thinking that animal care is a crucial part of conducting high quality science. To understand this finding, we draw upon the concept of ‘civic epistemologies’ (Jasanoff 2005; Prainsack 2006) and argue that ‘animals’ and ‘care’ in Britain may converge in taken‐for‐granted assumptions about what constitutes good scientific knowledge. These ideas travel through things like state regulations or the editorial policies of science journals, but do not necessarily carry the embodied civic epistemology of ‘animals’ and ‘science’ from which such modes of regulating laboratory animal welfare comes.     

Living in Sin? Religion and Cohabitation in Britain 1985–2005

Frequency of cohabitation among 13,703 adults from the British Social Attitudes data set for 1985–2005 peaked at around 26–30 years of age and increased significantly over the period of study. Cohabitation frequency was compared between those of no religious affiliation and Christian affiliates who (a) attended church at least once a month, (b) attended church but less than once a month, and (c) never attended church. Active Christians were 3.2 times less likely to cohabit than nonaffiliates, and rates of cohabitation have remained stable over time in this group. Christian affiliates who never attended church were 1.2 times less likely to cohabit than nonaffiliates, suggesting that even affiliation without attendance may indicate greater affinity to Christian moral attitudes compared with nonaffiliates.     

‘Unfinished work and damaged materials’: historians and the Scots in the Commonwealth of Poland–Lithuania (1569–1795)

The burgeoning of a historiography of the Scots in Poland–Lithuania has been hindered by either the unavailability to scholars of, or their unwillingness to tackle, secondary sources in the relevant foreign languages. Despite this ethnic group having comprised, at one time, the largest representation of the Scottish diaspora in a foreign state, this article demonstrates that, since Poland–Lithuania’s partition, historiographical coverage has been compartmentalised along linguistic and national lines. The article is tripartite, outlining work in the German, Polish and English languages, albeit highlighting the detrimental effects caused, until recently, by the frequent isolation of these, and other linguistic traditions of historiographical significance, from one another.     

Forging the Nation-centric World: Imperial Rule and the Homogenisation of Discontent in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878–1918)

Historical sociologists have questioned the idea that nationalism and imperialism are mutually exclusive phenomena. In contrast to traditional historiography that depicted empires as ‘the prison houses of nations’ contemporary scholarship emphasises the structural and ideological ambiguities that characterised the 19th century European imperial projects. Hence instead of ‘popular longings’ for national independence the focus has shifted to the experiences of ‘national indifference’. In this paper I aim to go beyond this dichotomy by questioning the role of (nationalist) agency in the collapse of imperial order. Drawing on the primary archival research I zoom in on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro-Hungarian rule (1878–1918). The paper contests the view that the imperial state was severely undermined by the presence of strong nationalisms. I also challenge the notion that the majority of Bosnian population remained ‘nationally indifferent’ during this period. Instead, I argue that understanding the character of the Austro-Hungarian rule is a much better predictor of social change that took place in this period. Rather than stifling supposedly vibrant nationalisms or operating amidst widespread national indifference the imperial state played a decisive role in forging the nation-centric world through its inadvertent homogenisation of discontent.     

Lost in the System? Disabled Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Britain

This short paper calls for greater awareness of disabled refugees and asylum seekers living in Britain. Currently, policy makers, many refugee communities and the disability movement fail to consider disabled refugees and asylum seekers, perhaps because they constitute a minority about whom data are rarely available. Focussing on the particular combination of circumstances affecting disabled refugees and asylum seekers, this paper presents recent changes in support arrangements for refugees and asylum seekers. The paper also calls for greater involvement in refugee issues by the disability movement.     

Female narratives of ‘new’ citizens’ belonging(s) and identities in Europe: case studies from the Netherlands and Britain

Public discourses on citizenship, identity and nationality, which link geographical borders and the political boundaries of a community, are infused with tensions and contradictions. This paper illustrates how these tensions are interwoven with multilayered notions of home, belonging, migration, citizenship and individual's ‘longing just to be’, focusing on the Dutch and the British context. The narratives of a number of Dutch and British women, who either immigrated to the respective countries or were born to immigrants, illustrate how the growing rigid integration and assimilative discourses in Europe contradict an individual anchoring in national and local communities. The narratives of women participating in these studies show multilayered angles of belonging presenting an alternative to the increasing strong argument for a fixed notion of positioning and national belonging. The female ‘new’ citizens in our study tell stories of individual choices, social mobility and a sense of multiple belonging in and across different communities.     

The Statistical and Methodological Acuity of Scholarship Appearing in the International Journal of Listening (1987–2011)

This article investigates the quality of social scientific listening research that reports numerical data to substantiate claims appearing in the International Journal of Listening between 1987 and 2011. Of the 225 published articles, 100 included one or more studies reporting numerical data. We frame our results in terms of eight recommendations to improve future listening scholarship. In particular, the results suggest needed variation in demographics and added attention to psychometric properties of scores. Standards for reporting and inspecting data should also be followed with more regularity, and tests of statistical assumptions along with information about missing data are urged. Effect sizes are rarely included in results, and no studies reported confidence intervals, suggesting overreliance on null hypothesis statistical testing when drawing implications for practice. Lastly, there were some noteworthy misappropriations of statistical techniques that are discussed.     

Undercover policing and the spectre of ‘domestic extremism’: the covert surveillance of environmental activism in Britain

The spectre of environmental ‘domestic extremism’ has long been postulated by police leaders and security analysts in Britain. It is a narrative that has justified the commitment of enormous amounts of government resources towards police intelligence work directed at non-violent direct action campaigns. Most controversially, this has included the long-term infiltration of environmental (and other) activist groups by undercover police. This article provides a critical analysis of the justifications put forward in support of the covert surveillance of environmental activists in Britain. The paper proceeds by way of a single case study – a high profile, environmental direct action protest in the north of England – in order to reveal the levels of abuse, manipulation and deception at the basis of undercover protest policing. Through their court case, the activists involved with this action were able to obtain rare insights into the police authorisation documents for the undercover operation that had led to their arrests. An analysis of these documents provides us with a glimpse of the contradictory justifications given by senior police officers for infiltration – now under scrutiny by a public inquiry.     

A Statistical Profile of the Irish Community in Gateshead – The Evidence of the 1851 Census

By the mid-nineteenth century, the north east of England was home to the fourth largest Irish settlement in England. The 1851 census makes it possible to identify key features of this post-famine community and provides a basis for the exploration of non-quantitative sources. The Gateshead Irish community was the third largest in the north east, behind Newcastle and Sunderland. The census data can establish such key features as the spatial distribution of the Gateshead Irish, their occupational profile, age distribution, household size, marital status and the extent of intermarriage between the Irish and the host community. It will be shown that the concept of the ghetto does not apply to the Irish; that they were overwhelmingly employed in unskilled work; that they were, in general, older than the host community; and that there were a significant number of cases of intermarriage between the Irish and English.     

Forgotten occupation: Germans and Belarusians in the lands of Ober Ost (1915–17)

This article discusses Belarusian national activism during the First World War in the western borderlands of the Russian Empire, in the areas occupied by the German army in 1915. Chronologically, it is limited to the period between 1915 and 1917, before the German administration adopted a clear Lithuanian-oriented strategy for Ober Ost. The author examines both German and Belarusian perspectives, concentrating on the evolution of German attitudes to Belarusians as a separate ethnicity in Ober Ost as well as on the challenges for the Belarusian nation-building process in this period. Despite restrictive and exploitative German policies, Belarusian national elites in Ober Ost were able to articulate their goals and engage in practical nation-building activities. In contrast to the eastern Belarusian provinces, which remained under Russian rule and experienced a surge of national politics only after the February Revolution, in 1915 Ober Ost Belarusians were already pioneering the national cause through publishing, charities, and schools. They were able to secure partial support from the German occupation authorities, yet the latter merely instrumentalized Belarusian nationalism as a tool of their anti-Polish policies.     

Colonial collaborators: Britain and the Catholic Church in Trinidad,c. 1820–1840

Trinidad, a predominantly Catholic and Francophone island, became a British colony in 1802. The lynchpin of the Catholic Church’s authority and influence in the region, Trinidad’s religious culture was defined by powerful racial tensions. Francis de Ridder, a Roman Catholic priest, was born in 1800 to a slave mother and a Belgian-born planter father. As a priest and free person of colour in Trinidad between 1825 and the early 1830s, his experience reveals much about the complex, yet collaborative relationship that existed between the Catholic Church and Britain’s colonial office. This relationship, which expanded significantly between 1820 and the early 1840s, was informed by demographic change and the reorganization of ecclesiastical structures. The de Ridder case is used here as a springboard for exploring some of the ways that slaves and free people of colour were excluded from religious practice and Church authority structures. In working closely with colonial officials on the ground in Trinidad, these Catholic leaders, who were often bishops or their coadjutors, embedded the Church within the governing structures of elite white society. What emerges is a picture of a Church whose missionary leadership actively pushed non-whites to the periphery of the story of its global spread.     

Discourse Dynamics and Cultural Context in the Antiwar Movement in the United States (2002–2004)

This paper addresses the impact of the antiwar movement (2002–2004) in the United States by analysis the three main coalitions at that time: ANSWER, UFPJ and Win Without War. New concepts and tools have been provided within discourse theory that can improve the analysis of framing and impact. Furthermore, the failure in discourse dynamics of the antiwar movement (2002–2004) is analyzed with a qualitative approach. Finally, we study the cultural context of 9/11, demonstrating that the best analysis for culture might not be ideational and static but, rather, contextual and dynamic.     

‘What the country wanted’: The houses of parliament,the press and the origins of media management in Britain,c. 1780–1900

This paper considers a topic that has received scant attention in the historiography of public relations: official attempts to manage the press in Britain in the Houses of Parliament in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Existing accounts of the emergence of government public relations in the UK have tended to focus on the civil service in the first half of the twentieth century, but this article sheds light on a series of earlier developments, including the allocation of seats for reporters in the viewing gallery of the Commons in 1803, the construction of dedicated Reporters’ Galleries in both parliamentary chambers in 1847–52 and the creation of a Westminster Lobby in 1884. Taken together, these reforms improved journalists’ access to parliament in an era in which direct governmental control over newspapers lapsed. Yet, they also allowed politicians to influence media commentary by determining who was permitted access to parliament and what type of content made its way into print. A case can thus be made that Westminster, not Whitehall, played host to the earliest official attempts to manage the media in Britain, and this has important repercussions for current understandings of public relations history.     

The University in Botswana and the liberation struggle in southern Africa (1973–1980)

This article documents key aspects of the role played by University students in Botswana in the liberation struggle, from the early years of the University in the mid‐1960s to the year of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980. Three demonstrations by University students are analysed, and the article concludes that, contrary to the received literature, the University contributed to the liberation struggle in a meaningful way. Although students at the University continued to play a part in the liberation struggle after 1980, this period is not discussed as the liberation struggle became just one of the key agenda items in a broadened political programme that focussed on local concerns of the students such as fees, allowances, institutional governance and democratisation.     

The legacies of history? Colonization and immigrant integration in Britain and France

This article scrutinizes the widely held belief that British and French colonial models have influenced each countrys immigrant integration structures. It assesses the core assumptions underlying the argument: that British colonial and integration policies have relied on indirect rule of groups defined by race or ethnicity; and that corresponding French policies have emphasized direct rule and have been highly assimilationist. It demonstrates that the two countries are not as different as often portrayed. It also pinpoints the specific paths through which colonial legacies influenced integration policies, while rejecting the thesis that colonial institutions have broadly informed integration policies in Britain or France. The article thus challenges a series of received ideas, replacing them with a more precise assessment of the relations between the colonial past and the integration present.     

Slovakia in the de–Stalinization and Federalization Process of Crechoslovakia

En 1991, j’ai émis l’hypothèse que le yiddish n’était pas une langue germanique, mais plutôt une variante du sorabe qui s’était soumise à la relexification au moyen haut allemand entre les 9e- 12e siècles pendant la colonisation allemande des territoires slaves d’Allemagne de l’Est. Le but de l’article présent est de montrer que jusqu’au ISe siècle, au plus tard, les juifs slavophones de Kyiv-Polissia (dont la plupart était vraisemblablement d’origine khazar) ont effectué un deuxième processus de relexification—cette fois du kyievo-polissien (l’ancêtre du biélorusse du sud et l’ukrainien du nord) au lexique yiddish (et allemand). En conséquence, le yiddish de l’est utilise une grammaire slave mixte. La plus importante preuve du modèle de la relexification est la capacité de prédire avec très grande précision quels germanismes seront acceptés ou rejetés en yiddish. Quand la sous-couche slave ne permet pas l’acquisition d’un germanisme, le yiddish a besoin des slavismes (non-relexifiés), des hébraïsmes ou des créations quasi-hébraïques (“hébroïdes”). La relexification seule est capable d’expliquer pourquoi le yiddish a beaucoup plus d’éléments hébraïques que toutes les autres langues juives. Pour la première fois, l’article énonce ici l’existence de la catégorie du duel en yiddish, probablement héritée du sorabe, mais largement reconstituée par contact avec le kyievo-polissien. Finalement, l’article suppose aussi que les Khazars, convertis au judaïsme au 9e siècle, constituent une partie composante majeure de l’ethnogenèse ashkénaze.*