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1.
In this paper, we present a generalization of power indices which includes the preferences of the voters. Using a Multilinear Extension perspective (Owen in Manage Sci 18:p64–p72, 1972a) we measure the probability of the players’ voting “yes” for a particular political issue. Further, we randomize the issues and show the influence that the Agenda Setter can have on a player’s power. We demonstrate these results using data from the European Union to show how the power distribution may shift after enlargement and under the new Constitutional Treaty. 相似文献
2.
This paper examines Charles Tilly’s relationship to the schools of thought known as historicism and critical realism. Tilly
was committed to a social epistemology that was inherently historicist, and he increasingly called himself a “historicist.”
The “search for grand laws in human affairs comparable to the laws of Newtonian mechanics,” he argued, was a “waste of time”
and had “utterly failed.” Tilly’s approach was strongly reminiscent of the arguments developed in the first half of the 20th
century by Rickert, Weber, Troeltsch, and Meinecke for a synthesis of particularization and generalization and for a focus
on “historical individuals” rather than abstract universals. Nonetheless, Tilly never openly engaged with this earlier wave
of historicist sociology, despite its fruitfulness for and similarity to his own project. The paper explores some of the possible
reasons for this missed encounter. The paper argues further that Tilly’s program of “relational realism” resembled critical
realism, but with main two differences: Tilly did not fully embrace critical realism’s argument that social mechanisms are
always co-constituted by social meaning or its normative program of explanatory critique. In order to continue developing
Tilly’s ideas it is crucial to connect them to the epistemological ideas that governed the first wave of historicist sociology
in Weimar Germany and to a version of philosophical realism that is interpretivist and critical. 相似文献
3.
Andranik Tangian 《Social Choice and Welfare》2010,35(1):129-161
The article is based on three findings. The first one is the interrelation between Arrow’s (Social choice and individual values,
Wiley, New York, 1951) social choice model and the mathematical theory of democracy discussed by Tangian (Aggregation and
representation of preferences, Springer, Berlin, 1991; Soc Choice Welf 11(1):1–82, 1994), with the conclusion that Arrow’s
dictators are less harmful than commonly supposed. The second finding is Quesada’s (Public Choice 130:395–400, 2007) estimate
of their power as that of two voters, implying that Arrow’s dictators are not more powerful than a chairperson with an additional
vote. The third is the model of Athenian democracy (Tangian, Soc Choice Welf 31:537–572, 2008), where indicators of popularity
and universality are applied to representatives and representative bodies. In this article, these indicators are used to computationally
evaluate the representativeness/non-representativeness of Arrow’s dictators. In particular, it is shown that there always
exist Arrow’s dictators who on the average share opinions of a majority, being rather representatives. The same holds for
dictators selected by lot, which conforms to the practice of selecting magistrates and presidents by lot in ancient democracies
and medieval Italian republics. Computational formulas are derived for finding the optimal “dictator–representatives”. 相似文献
4.
Woodside AG Zhang M 《Journal of gambling studies / co-sponsored by the National Council on Problem Gambling and Institute for the Study of Gambling and Commercial Gaming》2012,28(1):13-26
X-consumers are the extremely frequent (top 2–3%) users who typically consume 25% of a product category. This article shows
how to use fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to provide “causal recipes” sufficient for profiling X-consumers
accurately. The study extends Dik Twedt’s “heavy-half” product users for building theory and strategies to nurture or control
X-behavior. The study here applies QCA to offer configurations that are sufficient in identifying “whales” and “jumbo shrimps”
among X-casino gamblers. The findings support the principle that not all X-consumers are alike. The theory and method are
applicable for identifying the degree of consistency and coverage of alternative X-consumers among users of all product-service
category and brands. 相似文献
5.
T. Groseclose 《Social Choice and Welfare》2007,28(2):321-335
I examine a model of majority rule in which alternatives are described by two characteristics: (1) their position in a standard,
left-right dimension, and (2) their position in a good-bad dimension, over which voters have identical preferences. I show
that when voters’ preferences are single-peaked and concave over the first dimension, majority rule is transitive, and the majority’s preferences are identical to the median voter’s.
Thus, Black’s (The theory of committees and elections, 1958) theorem extends to such a “one and a half” dimensional framework.
Meanwhile, another well-known result of majority rule, Downs’ (An economic theory of democracy, 1957) electoral competition
model, does not extend to the framework. The condition that preferences can be represented in a one-and-a-half-dimensional
framework is strictly weaker than the condition that preferences be single-peaked and symmetric. The condition is strictly
stronger than the condition that preferences be order-restricted, as defined by Rothstein (Soc Choice Welf 7:331–342;1990). 相似文献
6.
This paper considers the problem of comparing two income distributions with different numbers of income recipients. The approach
eschews the “replication of populations” of Dalton’s Population Principle which has been a fixture of the literature on income
inequality since its inception. We start from a preorder which is a generalization of majorization, construct the “better-than”
set and characterize the order-preserving welfare functions in a unified framework. The fixed population case falls off as
a particular case. 相似文献
7.
This commentary addresses Olivola and Todorov’s “Elected in 100 ms: Appearance-Based Trait Inferences and Voting” and considers
its valuable contribution to the field of nonverbal communication. This work suggests that contemporary politics and voting
behavior are so complex that they can be better understood outside of laboratory settings where the vital elements on culture
and context come into play. By using consumer culture theory and other cultural theories of branding, this commentary evaluates
elements of Barack Obama’s presidential run, and considers why his campaign resonated so well with voters in contemporary
United States culture. 相似文献
8.
We say that a social choice function (SCF) satisfies Top-k Monotonicity if the following holds. Suppose the outcome of the SCF at a preference profile is one of the top k-ranked alternatives for voter i. Let the set of these k alternatives be denoted by B. Suppose that i’s preference ordering changes in such a way that the set of first k-ranked alternatives remains the set B. Then the outcome at the new profile must belong to B. This definition of monotonicity arises naturally from considerations of set “improvements” and is weaker than the axioms of strong positive association and Maskin Monotonicity. Our main results are that if there are two voters then a SCF satisfies unanimity and Top-2 or Top-pair Monotonicity if and only if it is dictatorial. If there are more than two voters, then Top-pair Monotonicity must be replaced by Top-3 Monotonicity (or Top-triple Monotonicity) for the analogous result. Our results demonstrate that connection between dictatorship and “improvement” axioms is stronger than that suggested by the Muller–Satterthwaite result (Muller and Satterthwaite in J Econ Theory 14:412–418, 1977) and the Gibbard–Sattherthwaite theorem. 相似文献
9.
We prove a lemma characterizing majority preferences over lotteries on a subset of Euclidean space. Assuming voters have quadratic von Neumann–Morgenstern utility representations, and assuming existence of a majority undominated (or “core”) point, the core voter is decisive: one lottery is majority-preferred to another if and only if this is the preference of the core voter. Several applications of this result to dynamic voting games are discussed.This paper was completed after Jeff Banks’s death. John Duggan is deeply indebted to him for his friendship and his collaboration on this and many other projects. 相似文献
10.
Norman K. Denzin 《The American Sociologist》2002,33(2):105-117
“The claim that all the world’s a stage is sufficiently commonplace for readers to be familiar with its limitations and tolerant
of its presentation.” (Goffman 1959, 72, 254)
“Given that the logic of privatization....now odiously shapes archetypes of citizenship, [and] manages our perceptions of
what constitute the ‘good society’....it stands to reason that new ethnographic research approaches must take global capitalism
not as an end point of analysis, but as a starting point.” (Kincheloe and McLaren 2000, 304)
“My abhorrence of neoliberalism helps to explain my legitimate anger when I speak of the injustices to which the ragpickers
among humanity are condemned. It also explains my total lack of interest in any pretension of impartiality, I am not impartial,
or objective...[this] does not prevent me from holding always a rigorously ethical position.” (Freire 1998, 22) 相似文献
11.
Bernard S. Phillips 《The American Sociologist》1988,19(2):138-151
Gouldner’s call for a “reflexive sociology” in 1970 remains a largely unexamined idea, yet with the breakdown of functionalism’s
begemony and the present ferment in theory its time may finally have come. In attempting to clarify and reconstruct Gouldner’s
idea, I begin with his concepts “background assumptions” and “domain assumptions,” linking them with Kubn’s ideas. Employing
levels of abstraction to approach Gouldner’s material systematically, I proceed to develop and illustrate two contrasting
background assumptions or world hypotheses: “stratification” and “interaction.” Finally, I examine some methodological implications
of these world views, centering on defining problems, ratio scales and images of measurement, sampling and multivariate-analysis
procedures.
Introduced to sociology by C. Wright Mills, Bernard Phillips studied with Robin N. Williams, Jr. and taught at the University
of North Carolina and the University of Illinois (where he overlapped with Alvin W. Gouldner for a year) before coming to
Boston University. A cofounder of the ASA section, Sociological Practice, Phillips’ interests are in Societal Change, Theory
and Methods. 相似文献
12.
Francesco De Sinopoli 《Social Choice and Welfare》2000,17(4):655-672
In this paper we show in the context of voting games with plurality rule that the “perfect” equilibrium concept does not
appear restrictive enough, since, independently of preferences, it can exclude at most the election of only one candidate.
Furthermore, some examples show that there are “perfect” equilibria that are not “proper”. However, also some “proper” outcome
is eliminated by sophisticated voting, while Mertens' stable set fully satisfies such criterium, for generic plurality games.
Moreover, we highlight a weakness of the simple sophisticated voting principle. Finally, we find that, for some games, sophisticated
voting (and strategic stability) does not elect the Condorcet winner, neither it respects Duverger's law, even with a large
number of voters.
Received: 16 March 1999/Accepted: 25 September 1999 相似文献
13.
Pierre de Trenqualye 《Social Choice and Welfare》1997,15(1):141-159
We ask in this paper about the effect on social decisions of limiting the size of changes that voters may propose each time
in an otherwise standard dynamic social choice model. The voting rule we study can be seen as an extension of Bowen’s dynamic
“majority voting” rule, and is closely related to the dynamic procedures for public good allocation in the literature (Drèze
and de la Vallée Poussin 1971; Malinvaud 1971; Laffont and Maskin 1983; Chander 1993). Under general assumptions we prove
existence and Pareto efficiency of equilibrium, and show that our rule motivates voters not to misrepresent preferences (more
precisely, the rule is Strongly Locally Individually Incentive Compatible). Under Euclidean preferences we find that electoral
cycles do not arise (i.e., the rule is convergent), that there is a unique equilibrium, and that the equilibrium coincides
with the solution to an old problem of geometry, first addressed by Fermat, Torricelli, and Cavallieri.
Received: 20 September 1994/Accepted: 6 August 1996 相似文献
14.
Zachary F. Lansdowne 《Social Choice and Welfare》1996,14(1):125-128
Outranking methods constitute a class of ordinal ranking algorithms for multicriterion decision making. This paper is concerned
with four such methods: K?hler’s primal and dual algorithms, and Arrow–Raynaud’s primal and dual algorithms. Arrow and Raynaud
made the conjecture that these four methods yield the totality of “prudent orders” whenever the outranking matrix has the
“constant sum” property. This paper shows that their conjecture is not valid.
Received: May 29, 1995/Accepted: November 13, 1995 相似文献
15.
Michael Lynch 《The American Sociologist》2012,43(1):67-75
This essay is an appreciation of Melvin Pollner’s distinctive sociological approach to topics that are usually associated
with philosophy. Pollner’s dissertation and early writings took up the theme of “mundane reason,” which he defined as an incorrigible
presumption of a real world that is implicit in everyday conduct. Pollner addressed mundane reason, and the reciprocal idea
of “reality disjunctures”—momentary divergences between perceptual accounts of the “same” mundane reality—by describing routine
exchanges in traffic court and confrontations between doctors and patients in psychiatric settings. Pollner’s work anticipated
current enthusiasms for developing novel “ontologies” in social and cultural studies of science, medicine, and other subjects.
Although he did attempt to locate metaphysics in the midst of everyday experience, this essay suggests that his “philosophy
on the ground” radically transformed philosophical ontology into an original and imaginative way to investigate constitutive
activities. 相似文献
16.
Frédéric Gaspart 《Social Choice and Welfare》1997,15(1):95-112
The concern for measuring well-being objectively (as opposed to subjectively, that is, relying only on preferences) is found
in modern political philosophy, especially in J. Rawls’s, A. Sen’s and G. Cohen’s writings. This paper explains the implications
of using an objective well-being index as equalisandum or, close to the so-called “safety net preoccupation”, to guarantee a well-being lower bound. In the simple production model
studied here, five characterization results and two related theorems prove the convergence of both approaches. We come to
the conclusion that the Proportional Solution is the dominant solution according to “objectivist” axioms.
Received: 5 September 1994/Accepted: 29 June 1996 相似文献
17.
Gary Dean Jaworski 《The American Sociologist》1990,21(3):209-216
Within the context of a discussion of Robert K. Merton’s ideas on leadership in postwar America, the article examines the
nature and impact of Merton’s “sociological parables.” This term refers to short tales from social life from which sociological
lessons with moral implications can be drawn. These parables, such as the bank insolvency story told in “The Self-Fulfilling
Prophecy,” illustrate the manner in which Merton merged moral and sociological messages in his writings. Suggestions are made
along the lines that these parables, or at least the moral messages they contain, contributed to Merton’s postwar fame.
His most recent publications are “Simmel’s Contribution to Parsons’ Action Theory and Its Fate,” in Michael Kaern, ed.Georg Simmel and Contempory Sociology (Kluwer, 1990); and “Robert K. Merton’s Extension of Simmel’sUbersehbar” inSociological Theory, Spring 1990. 相似文献
18.
Samuel Estreicher 《Journal of Labor Research》2006,27(4):505-511
In September 2005, six unions representing 5.4 million workers held their founding convention as a new federation independent
of the AFL-CIO. Infelicitously named “Change to Win Federation” (CTWF), the new alliance has called for a rededication of
union resources and energies towards organizing the unorganized. Although CTWF has occasioned considerable interest and speculation
among labor supporters and observers, it is difficult to determine why the break occurred, other than, perhaps, the personal
agenda of some of its leaders. An unstated, significant reason may be a desire on the rebels’ part to operate relatively free
of “noraiding” strictures of the AFL-CIO, even though the group disclaims any interest in challenging existing bargaining
relationships and has penned “solidarity pacts” with some of its principal AFL-CIO competitors and with state and local units
of the federation. Competitive forces are missing in the market for workplace representation services. The new group may reignite
the rival unionism that spurred organized labor’s marked growth from 1935–1954, but early returns suggest an emphasis on militant
posturing and on trendy, implausible themes such as “global unionism” and “subcontracting out strikes.” 相似文献
19.
We introduce the following basic voting method: voters submit both a “consensus” and a “fall-back” ballot. If all “consensus”
ballots name the same option, it wins; otherwise, a randomly drawn “fall-back” ballot decides. If there is one potential consensus
option that everyone prefers to the benchmark lottery which picks the favorite of a randomly drawn voter, then naming that
option on all “consensus” ballots builds a very strong form of correlated equilibrium. Unlike common consensus procedures,
ours is not biased toward the status quo and removes incentives to block consensus. Variants of the method allow for large
groups, partial consensus, and choosing from several potential consensus options. 相似文献
20.
In this article, I attempt to address some enduring problems in formulation and practical use of the notion of structure in
contemporary social science. I begin by revisiting the question of the fidelity of Anthony Giddens’ appropriation of the idea
of structure with respect to Levi-Strauss. This requires a reconsideration of Levi-Strauss’ original conceptualization of
“social structure” which I argue is a sort of “methodological structuralism” that stands sharply opposed to Giddens’ ontological
reconceptualization of the notion. I go on to show that Bourdieu’s contemporaneous critique of Levi-Strauss is best understood
as an attempt to recover rather than reject the central implication of Levi-Strauss’ methodological structuralism, which puts
Bourdieu and Giddens on clearly distinct camps in terms of their approach toward the idea of structure. To demonstrate the—insurmountable—conceptual
difficulties inherent in the ontological approach, I proceed by critically examining what I consider to be the most influential
attempt to resolve the ambiguities in Giddens structuration theory: Sewell’s argument for the “duality of structure.” I show
that by retaining Giddens’ ontological focus, Sewell ends up with a notion of structure that is at its very core “anti-structuralist”
or only structuralist in a weak sense. I close by considering the implications of the analysis for the possibility of developing
the rather neglected “methodological structuralist” legacy in contemporary social analysis. 相似文献