生态社会主义思潮对大学生的影响研究

生态社会主义是当代西方社会中的一股左翼思潮,也是一种新的社会主义思潮。生态社会主义提出把保护生态环境、解决生态危机等生态运动与争取社会主义运动结合起来以实现生态社会主义,这种非马克思主义的、不成熟的社会主义思潮严重影响了大学生思想政治教育的效果。因此,要加强对大学生的马克思主义理论教育,强化社会主义意识形态等方面的教育,全力克服这一西方社会思潮中的负面因素对大学生的不利影响。     

Managerial Strategies and the Worker: a Marxist Analysis of Bureaucracy*

Systematic study of the sociology of organizations is almost absent in both the classical and modern Marxist traditions. Although some recent studies in the Marxist tradition show considerable promise, the field has been dominated by the Weberian perspective. The development of new theory should be informed by the Marxian concepts of (a) labor theory of value, (b) the forces and relations of production, (c) historical development of capitalism, and (d) class structure and class struggle. Bourgeois organizational theory has some serious deficiencies, but there is much of value that can be subsumed under the broader rubric of Marxist political economy. The potential for a Marxist theory of bureaucracy is explored in an examination of managerial strategies to minimize external uncertainties in a monopoly capitalist system, and internal uncertainties arising from the work force. Strategies for controlling the work force include the division of labor, organizational hierarchy, rules and procedures, the uses of secrecy and hoarding of knowledge, and the maintenance of ethnic and sexual divisions in the work force. Further research is needed on (a) differentiating capital accumulation and social control strategies, (b) comparisons between workers in the state and corporate sectors, (c) comparisons between work organization under full range of socialist economies and those in capitalist economies in both manufacturing and government and (d) alternatives for the future.     

Representative Bureaucracy, Organizational Strategy, and Public Service Performance: An Empirical Analysis of English Local Government

The theory of representative bureaucracy suggests that organizationsperform better if their workforces reflect the characteristicsof their constituent populations. The management literatureimplies that the impact of representative bureaucracy is contingenton organizational strategy. Our empirical evidence on Englishlocal government is inconsistent with the basic theory of representativebureaucracy but supports a moderating effect of organizationalstrategy. Representative bureaucracy is negatively associatedwith citizens' perceptions of local authority performance. However,organizations pursuing a prospector strategy are able to mitigatethis negative relationship.     

“90后”大学生主流意识形态的认同研究

"90后"大学生是伴随着中国高速发展时期成长起来的跨世纪青年,作为中国特色社会主义各项事业的生力军和接班人,作为中国梦的承担者与实现者,他们是否认同马克思主义意识形态,将关系到中国特色社会主义事业的进程,关系到他们能否或在多大程度上肩负起实现中国梦的历史使命。对"90后"大学生马克思主义意识形态认同度的调查表明,"90后"大学生对马克思主义意识形态的认同总体上积极向上,但部分大学生功利化增强,不同程度地出现了马克思主义意识形态的认同危机。因此,要发挥主渠道作用,践行中国梦,立足主体需求,加强大学生社会实践活动,建构大学生马克思主义意识形态认同的路径。     

Soviet Communism and Weberian Sociology

Abstract The first section of this article gives a short outline of Weber's view on socialism, communism and the Russian Revolution. It is argued that Soviet communism is neither traditional nor neotraditional, neither charismatic in the sense of the genuine, personal charisma of its leaders, nor rational in the sense of a maximum of formal rationality. It is suggested that another Weberian category, one which until now has received only limited attention - the charisma of reason - overcomes several of the difficulties in which previous analyses have got entangled.     

Procedural Control of the Bureaucracy, Peer Review, and Epistemic Drift

Regulatory peer review—in which independent scientistscomment on the technical underpinnings of proposed regulations—isa recently pursued form of political control of the bureaucracy.This article situates regulatory peer review in the contextof both the history of technical advice to government and theprincipal-agent perspective often used to explain the presenceof administrative procedures. Much of the academic discussionof attempts to influence bureaucratic decision making has utilizedprincipal-agent theory. We introduce two novel concepts to accommodateregulatory peer review into the principal-agent framework. Thefirst is "technocracy" where the preferences of technical expertsdisplace public preferences. The second is "epistemic drift,"a change in embodied knowledge that contributes to departuresfrom the policy intentions of an enacting coalition of policymakers. In addition to introducing these concepts, we arguethat regulatory peer review is more complex than other administrativeprocedures and that its efficacy critically depends on the detailsof its implementation. We hypothesize that regulatory peer reviewwill cause nongovernmental participants in regulatory conflictsto devote more effort to creating research and other epistemicresources. But we also hypothesize that, just as courts havebecome more politicized with their role in regulatory policy,peer review and regulatory science will become increasinglypoliticized as well.     

Ageing, status politics and sociological theory

As a feature of social change and as an aspect of social stratification, ageing and age groups have been seriously neglected by sociological theory. This article attempts to conceptualize age groups in a multi-dimensional model of stratification which considers ageing in relation to economic class, political entitlement, or citizenship, and cultural life-styles. This multi-dimensional model provides an analytical basis for rejecting functionalist theories of ageing, which emphasize the positive functions of social disengagement, activity theories, which show that self-esteem in ageing is an effect of continuing social involvement, and Marxist social gerontology, which argues that retirement is determined by labour-market requirements in capitalism. The article concludes by developing a reciprocity-maturation curve of ageing which explains age stigmatization through exchange theory as an effect of declining social reciprocity. Both young and elderly social groups in a period of economic recession are perceived to be socially dependent, and become the targets of 'the politics of resentment'. The processes of social ageing can be located in the core of sociological theory, because they are connected fundamentally to the conditions of social solidarity.     

Habermas,Mead, and Rationality

This paper takes the position that symbolic interaction can become more relevant to the social issues of modernity and postmodernity by overcoming its traditional tendencies to be apolitical and to focus predominantly on micro aspects of social relations. It considers a serious reading of Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action as a contribution to this effort. Specifically it sees Habermas' reconstruction of the conception of the individual actor involved in communicating through significant symbols into one consistent with speech act theory and the concepts of speaker and listener as constructive and helpful. The paper also examines Mead's behav-ioristic theory of attitudes, types of attitudes and taking the attitude of the other(s), and relates it to his logical formulation of rational universals. It suggests that Mead's optimistic image of society and his position on rationality are no longer appropriate for discussing social issues in a global society with multiple rationalities. It sees possibilities for reformulation in Habermas' theory because, like Mead's theory, it construes rationality in communicative terms.     

Maybe It Is Time to Rediscover Bureaucracy

This article questions the fashionable ideas that bureaucraticorganization is an obsolescent, undesirable, and non-viableform of administration and that there is an inevitable and irreversibleparadigmatic shift towards market- or network-organization.In contrast, the paper argues that contemporary democraciesare involved in another round in a perennial debate and ideologicalstruggle over what are desirable forms of administration andgovernment: that is, a struggle over institutional identitiesand institutional balances. The argument is not that bureaucraticorganization is a panacea and the answer to all challenges ofpublic administration. Rather, bureaucratic organization ispart of a repertoire of overlapping, supplementary, and competingforms coexisting in contemporary democracies, and so are market-organizationand network-organization. Rediscovering Weber's analysis ofbureaucratic organization, then, enriches our understandingof public administration. This is in particular true when we(a) include bureaucracy as an institution, not only an instrument;(b) look at the empirical studies in their time and context,not only at Weber's ideal-types and predictions; and (c) takeinto account the political and normative order bureaucracy ispart of, not only the internal characteristics of "the bureau."     

Why different countries manage death differently: a comparative analysis of modern urban societies

The sociology of death, dying and bereavement tends to take as its implicit frame either the nation state or a homogenous modernity. Between-nation differences in the management of death and dying are either ignored or untheorized. This article seeks to identify the factors that can explain both similarities and differences in the management of death between different modern western nations. Structural factors which affect all modern nations include urbanization and the division of labour leading to the dominance of professionals, migration, rationality and bureaucracy, information technology and the risk society. How these sociologically familiar structural features are responded to, however, depends on national histories, institutions and cultures. Historically, key transitional periods to modernity, different in different nations, necessitated particular institutional responses in the management of dying and dead bodies. Culturally, key factors include individualism versus collectivism, religion, secularization, boundary regulation, and expressivism. Global flows of death practices depend significantly on subjugated nations' perceptions of colonialism, neo-colonialism and modernity, which can lead to a dominant power's death practices being either imitated or rejected.     

Continuing Validity of the Collective Behavior Approach

This study evaluates the collective behavior (CB) approach that dominated studies of social movements from the 1920s to the 1970s. Its roots lie in five scholarly traditions: Durkheim (collective consciousness), Mill (a sum of individual cost‐benefit calculations), Weber (charisma and bureaucracy), Simmel (interaction of individuals), and European mass psychology. CB studies began in Chicago University in the 1920s by Robert E. Park. His pupil Herbert Blumer made the basic classifications in the field. In the interactionist school, Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian stressed the emerging norms that modify CB, and Kurt and Gladys Engel Lang focused on collective processes. In the structure‐functionalistic school, Talcott Parsons stressed the impact of cultural trends in movement emergence, and Neil Smelser developed a value‐added theory of how social movements form. CB tradition was attacked in the 1960s when its theories did not fit into the student movement and there was a paradigm shift to resource mobilization and Marxist approaches. However, with the rise of constructivism, the ideas of CB have been reinvented in new social movement studies.     

Connecting the Dots in Public Management: Political Environment, Organizational Goal Ambiguity, and the Public Manager's Role Ambiguity

This article is a systematic effort to study a key theoreticalquestion from the vantage point of public sector organizationalbehavior. Most political science models, with a primary interestin democratic control of bureaucracy, study the political influenceon the bureaucracy from an agency theory perspective. Organizationbehavior literature, on the other hand, is focused largely onthe study of individual-level phenomena in private organizationsand does not incorporate political context as part of explanatorymodels. This article proposes a middle-range theory to "connectthe dots," beginning with disparate sources in the polity influencingorganizational goal ambiguity, which in turn is expected toincrease managerial role ambiguity. An empirical test, usingdata collected from a national survey of managers working instate human service agencies, supports this theoretical model.We find that certain types of political influence have an impacton organizational goal ambiguity, which in turn has a directeffect in increasing role ambiguity and also an indirect effectin increasing role ambiguity through organizational structure.     

The Sickness of an Information Society

R. H. Tawney is frequently cited as one of the most distinguished social theorists of the twentieth century, and his position in the British school of ethical, democratic socialism is assured. This paper revisits that contribution for the so-called post- industrial age. It emphasizes Tawney's roots in philosophical idealism and Christian socialism, demonstrating how these systems underpinned his famous critiques of inequality and the acquisitive society. His deontological morality anticipates key ideas of John Rawls, leading similarly to a robust social egalitarianism. The moral basis of Tawney's left-liberal politics explains its durability and thus its relevance for the Great Information Society Debate. Tawney would have rejected many of the propositions associated with the information society thesis, including the allegedly axial role of information itself. While recognizing the importance of information and knowledge in democracy, he would not have supported transformationist rhetoric on behalf of an electronic information polity. Tawney's essentialist socialism may be vulnerable to some of the better documented post-industrial trends, notably the move from goods to services. However, his work supplies useful resources for critical perspectives on the technocratic social structure and on the exaggerated economic role of teleworkers, inter alia. As regards the last in Daniel Bell's triad of polity, social structure and culture, some might lament the anchorage of Tawney's progressive politics in a particularist metaphysics, specifically Christianity. Yet the return of religious modes seems now as certain as the rise of new modes of information and communication. The Christian socialist values that inspired Tawney's ideal of social democracy, especially an expansive vision of brotherhood or 'fellowship', could therefore be appropriated for a modern normative theory of the information society.     

Handlungserklärung und die zwei Rationalitäten?

The question is being scrutinized how to integrate into a general theory of action the two types of rational action distinguished by Max Weber based on value rationality and instrumental rationality. Three proposals recently made by Raymond Boudon, Siegwart Lindenberg and Hartmut Esser are considered. These authors agree in conceiving rationality as based on reasons. But, unlike Boudon, Lindenberg and Esser hold that rationality should be essentially considered as consequential and that it is possible to reconstruct value-rational action in this framework, although Weber’s formulation of this type of action clearly excludes a reference to consequences. According to Lindenberg and Esser, this reconstruction of value-rational action can be accomplished by the theory of subjective expected utility supplemented by a concept of framing. In their opinion this kind of model also offers the opportunity to construct a conception superior to a mere typology of action orientations, because it enables us to specify under what conditions which type of action prevails. The article provides evidence that the proposals made by both authors still fall short of offering an adequate model for understanding the difference between both types of action. Lindenberg’s proposal does not sufficiently allow for explaining the difference between traditional and value-rational action and the claim for justification associated with value-rational action. Esser’s conception meets these two criteria but it remains unsettled whether his model already specifies sufficient conditions for value-rational action. The article concludes in considering the general question whether it is conceivable to derive both types of action from a common notion of rationality.     

Talcott Parsons and the Integration of Economic and Sociological Theory

Parsons'theory of economy and society has reemerged as an important reference point in the development of social theory. This paper focuses on Parsons'contribution to a possible theoretical rapproachment between economic and social theory. The issue addressed is the indifference of economists to the project for theoretical reunification announced in the Marshall Lectures. The author argues that Parsons'understanding of economic theory was seriously incomplete, while his assumption of a shared commitment between the two disciplines to develop a general synthetic theory was highly dubious. At the same time, Parsons'attempt at rapproachment remains relevant in a contemporary situation where many social scientists propose an economistic annexation of sociology by rational choice theory.     

伊斯兰复兴运动中的“伊斯兰经济学”

“伊斯兰经济学”于20世纪四十年代产生于印度次大陆,伴随着六、七十年代的伊斯兰复兴运动而在阿拉伯世界发展壮大。它以伊斯兰教法为基础,主要包括伊斯兰银行和天课制度两方面内容。“伊斯兰经济学”是伊斯兰社会在面对社会主义和资本主义的外在压力情况下,寻求自身文化认同的结果,它体现了伊斯兰文明适应现代社会的努力。     

青少年社会化中的“成人本位”困境及其超越

当前父母与子女、教师与学生之间的隔阂、矛盾和冲突在理论源头上可追溯到"成人本位"的社会化理念与实践:即以社会的需求、成年人的价值观念和利益原则来指导未青少年的社会化,把青少年对成人世界的靠拢和同化视为社会化的本质特征,而忽略了对青少年主体地位的尊重。随着信息技术的发展,这种社会化理念与实践遭遇到了时代困境。奠定交往理性的哲学基础,实现成人与青少年在主体上的平等地位,创设成人与青少年平等对话的语境,是重构社会化理念的基本理路。     

Inhabited Institutions: Social Interactions and Organizational Forms in Gouldner’s Patterns of Industrial Bureaucracy

Organizational sociologists often treat institutions as macro cultural logics, representations, and schemata, with less consideration for how institutions are ”inhabited“ (Scully and Creed, 1997) by people doing things together. As such, this article uses a symbolic interactionist rereading of Gouldner’s classic study Patterns of Industrial Bureaucracy as a lever to expand the boundaries of institutionalism to encompass a richer understanding of action, interaction, and meaning. Fifty years after its publication, Gouldner’s study still speaks to us, though in ways we (and he) may not have anticipated five decades ago. The rich field observations in Patterns remind us that institutions such as bureaucracy are inhabited by people and their interactions, and the book provides an opportunity for intellectual renewal. Instead of treating contemporary institutionalism and symbolic interaction as antagonistic, we treat them as complementary components of an “inhabited institutions approach” that focuses on local and extra–local embeddedness, local and extra-local meaning, and a skeptical, inquiring attitude. This approach yields a doubly constructed view: On the one hand, institutions provide the raw materials and guidelines for social interactions (“construct interactions”), and on the other hand, the meanings of institutions are constructed and propelled forward by social interactions. Institutions are not inert categories of meaning; rather they are populated with people whose social interactions suffuse institutions with local force and significance.     

Capitalism,liberalism, and schooling

Conclusion Clearly, Schooling in Capitalist America is not without its limitations. It is charcterized by an ahistorical treatment of the functions of education, an economistic conception of social structure, an inadequate theory of reproduction and contradiction, and a seriously inaccurate account of educational politics. Yet despite its problems, Schooling is a very important and valuable work. Bowles and Gintis are particularly successful in developing an effective critique of the liberal political economy of education, and a conceptualization of a broad theory of the dynamics of educational change that confounds all previous accounts, whether liberal or revisionist. Schooling in Capitalist America is therefore a valuable, if flawed, starting point for a Marxist research program into the history and political economy of education. Its contributions to that research program are significant, and its difficulties instructive. While Schooling therefore is not all that one could wish for, it is a significant and provocative beginning. Moreover it is model of engaged and committed scholarship that provides some understanding of what is required for the collective control of the future.     

Gramsci and Marxist Sociology of Knowledge: an Analysis of Hegemony—Ideology—Knowledge*

This paper is an attempt to analyze the fundamental components of Gramsci's Marxist theory: the assertion of absolute historicism and humanism over economic determinism, the primacy of superstructural over infrastructural activities, the primacy of ideological over political hegemony and the subjective over the objective dimension in Marxist theory of history and society. Furthermore, after reviewing the historical development of the sociology of knowledge and contrasting Marx, Mannheim, Stark, and Gurvitch with Gramsci's theoretical positions, an attempt is made to delineate a Gramscian sociology of knowledge. In its basic framework, the ideologization of thought is pressed to its extreme; the theory of knowledge becomes the theory of ideology; the totality of sociocultural phenomena is ultimately subordinated to the hermeneutic criterion of “critical consciousness” of subaltern classes developed in their ascendant movement toward idological and political hegemony, and the success of positivist methodology is explained in terms of the masses' lack of critical consciousness. In conclusion, the Gramscian sociology of knowledge becomes a form of critical consciousness. Its validity resides in its ideological function of intellectually organizing the experiences of the masses. Thus, ideologies cease to be viewed as intellectual processes mystifying social reality as in Marx and Mannheim and acquire true historical, psychological, and gnosiological value.