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1.
高校“两课”教育教学中实践环节存在的问题与对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,国内各高校在“两课”实践教学方面进行了许多有益的探索,但还存在经费紧张、教师的综合素质有待进一步提高、高校各职能部门与“两课”教师之间缺少交流、“两课”实践教学的组织实施与保障机制不够完善以及缺乏稳固的“两课”教育教学实践基地等问题。本文认为,切实保证“两课”实践教学环节的落实并发挥其应有的功效,高校要端正办学思想,转变教育观念。学校领导要高度重视“两课”教育教学,建立高效率的“两课”实践教学领导体制及较为完善的“两课”实践教学管理体制,优化整合实践教学资源,加大对“两课”建设的投资力度,建立稳固的“两课”教育教学实践基地。  相似文献   

2.
"两课"社会实践教学是高校素质教育的必然要求,对于大学生素质的提高具有重要作用,它是提升大学生思想道德修养和培养大学生分析解决问题的能力的不可或缺的途径.当前高校"两课"社会实践教学面临着一些困难,必须在实践中不断加以探索.  相似文献   

3.
广西民族院校把强化大学生思想政治教育作为"基础工程、民心工程、希望工程和社会工程"抓实抓好,通过采取灵活多样的教育形式,不断提升在校大学生的思想政治素质和文化素质;推进实施过程中,他们面临着思想政治教育重视程度不够、教育的方式方法单一及实践教学有待加强等诸多难题,结合未来一个时期思想政治教育的发展目标,应在教育的内容上与当代大学生的思想实际相结合,同步提升现任教师的综合素质,发挥实践教学作为大学生思想政治教育的载体平台作用,以此推动广西民族院校大学生思想政治教育实现新跨越。  相似文献   

4.
随着我国现代化建设进程的不断加快,未来的竞争是具有创新创业能力的人才的竞争,高校作为教育主体,必须具有较强的创新创业能力,如何培养和提高大学生创新创业能力成为关键性问题。本文立足当前高校育人工作实际,结合本院学生的实践教学活动,浅谈实践教学对大学生创新创业能力培养的作用,旨在为高校开展大学生创新创业教育提供参考。  相似文献   

5.
近年来,针对“思想道德修养与法律基础”课程的教学改革在各高校中不断创新与实践.针对民族高校民族大学生开设的“基础”课,更要紧密结合学校的实际情况、学生的具体特点开展课程改革.考虑民族大学生的实际思想状况、学习态度以及本课程的具体特点,在实际的教学中,针对教学理念、课程内容、教学方法、考核方式等进行一系列改革尝试,在实践中探索具有自身教学特色的课程体系.  相似文献   

6.
新媒体环境下,加快推进《马克思主义基本原理概论》课程教学改革是时代发展的必然要求.新媒体的发展给该课教学工作增加了难度,也带来了新的机遇.本文从加强师资队伍建设、构建新媒体教学模式以及深化大学生思想政治教育实践基地建设等几个方面,讨论了促进该课教学改革,增强其教学实效性的有效措施.  相似文献   

7.
就业实践教育课程,强调从大学生就业观念形成到其今后整个人生职业生涯规划是一个教育全过程,突破了传统的只满足于对毕业生进行阶段性就业教育的不足与局限。对独立学院三年级学生进行就业实践教育,能够帮助他们树立就业信心,培养社会实践能力,促进就业。  相似文献   

8.
创新能力培养成为高等师范教育改革的主旋律,实践教学是实现历史专业创新能力培养的突破口。走出对实践教学内涵、理论课实践教学及社会实践教学认识上的误区,是构建历史师范专业实践教学体系的前提。在实践教学中坚持以先进的教育理念为引领,以培养创新能力为中心,开展多样性的技能培训和实践教学活动,是提高实践教学实效的途径。  相似文献   

9.
在漫长的历史发展过程中,经过长期的积累和沉淀,逐渐形成了一种独特的中华文化,而在经济全球化背景下,中国作为世界上第二大经济体,其它方面都在发生着变化,体育文化当然也不例外。体育教育在我国的地位日益提高,体育教学是提高学生体质的重要途径。大学生是我国社会的支柱,其身体素质的好坏对国家的发展将产生深远的影响,大学生体质下降是近几年来社会普遍关心的问题,要使我国高校体育课程的教学内容更加丰富,必须把民族传统体育和体育教学有机地结合起来。以此为依据,对民族传统体育院校体育教学的整合进行探讨,以期能更好地促进大学生体质健康,适应大学生的发展需要。本文建议在大学体育教育中,培养“以德为本”“以德为本”的体育教育模式,旨在探讨中国传统体育与大学体育相结合的途径,以进一步完善民族传统体育。通过改进和推广民族传统体育,使广大大学生亲身体验,促进体育教学的发展。  相似文献   

10.
重视农牧区大学生的思想政治教育是青海社会经济发展的现实要求,也是实现农牧区社会稳定的客观需要;要对农牧区大学生进行有效的思想政治教育,必须立足于对他们思想状况的了解和研究;当前的现实环境,要求青海高校的思想政治教育应切实加强艰苦奋精神的教育、加强马克思主义民族观、加强党和国家的宗教政策教育。  相似文献   

11.
如何更为有效地培养少数民族大学生,以适应时代的节奏和未来社会的需要,是现代思想政治教育工作面临的挑战。为此,我们要充分挖掘教育潜能,合理创新思想政治教育模式。以"掌握学习理论"和"最近发展区理论"为基础发展起来的"分层教学模式"是在个性化教学等思想的引领下,在民族学生群体框架内,以学生差异为基础,科学选用适当教学方法和策略进行个性化教学,以达到学生整体提升为目标的一种教学模式。它的有效实施,增强了少数民族大学生思想政治教育的针对性和实效性,在教育工作中能起到"最优化"的效能。  相似文献   

12.
张为波 《民族学刊》2014,5(1):82-87,124-126
大学生就业问题近年来成为社会各界关注的热点问题,少数民族大学毕业生的就业问题因其既具有共性,又带有特性,更应成为关注的焦点。本文基于对西南民族大学少数民族毕业生就业问题的调研,发现当前成都地区高校少数民族毕业生一定程度存在热衷大城市就业,沟通能力相对不足,从事工作与所学专业不对口,易受到不公对待等就业问题。究其原因,我们认为与少数民族大学毕业生的传统择业观、汉语水平、学校的专业设置以及用人单位的不当认识有关。为此,本文提出政府应加大对少数民族大学毕业生就业的关注程度;学校应提高少数民族大学生的综合素质;社会应创造公平公正的就业环境;少数民族大学生应提升自身能力、转变择业观念等相关对策建议。  相似文献   

13.
Using students’ interviews as data source, this study explores the interactional experiences of several Mexican students at a US high school in the Midwest with their teachers and discusses how three cultural models of teacher interaction valued by the students impact their affiliation, motivation, and engagement with school. Emphasis is given to the students’ voices to explore how teachers are perceived by them. The study found that several teachers displayed negative stereotypes influenced by cultural and social biases toward Mexicans and the anti-immigrant climate in society. Insights are provided regarding the manner in which Mexican students’ teacher interaction influences their high drop out rate, their low academic achievement, and their low graduation statistics. The findings suggest that there is an urgent need to improve teachers’ cultural awareness and cultural sensitivity toward Mexican students.  相似文献   

14.
“双选制”作为一种新的教学管理模式,被许多高校所采用,特别是在专业音乐院校的技能技巧课中其优势非常明显。目前许多高师音乐教育专业在技能技巧课中,也采用“双选制”,但由于种种原因,这种管理模式反倒成了高师音乐教育“重技术,轻理论”,“重专业,轻文化”的催化剂。这一现象应该引起我们的注意。  相似文献   

15.
随着少数民族人口大量进入东南沿海大中城市,他们在城市的适应和发展问题日益显现。本文通过对烟台市朝鲜族经济社会发展的实地调研,指出了少数民族人口在城市的适应与发展过程中遇到的诸如政治权益保障、民族教育开展、民族社团活动等方面的实际问题,剖析其原因,探讨了相应的对策建议。  相似文献   

16.
清代以来商人会馆所承载的人力、商品、资金等市场化因素经由商帮的经营网络源源输入,加速了桂东北地区以手工业和农村商品经济为主要内容的商业化进程,对桂林城市经济、社会、文化的近代化发展影响深远。商人会馆由城市渐及圩镇的扩散则使圩镇成为商业化向乡村渗透的据点,圩镇由内向封闭趋于外向开放,经济功能显著增强,桂东北乡村地区的市镇化从中获得了广阔的外部动力空间。  相似文献   

17.
蓝薇 《民族学刊》2016,7(6):14-21,95-97
Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.  相似文献   

18.
论八旗意识及产生条件   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
八旗是与八旗制度相伴而生的由多民族组成的社会群体,有着300多年的发展历史。在这漫长的过程中,八旗独特的管理方式,以及他们在交融过程中形成的政治、经济利益的一致和社会生活的相近与相同,使八旗成为与"民人"有显著差别的社会群体。这种差别不仅使八旗能够独立存在于现实社会中,而且能够产生不同于"民人"的思想意识,即"八旗意识"。这个超越民族范畴而存在的社会集团,蕴涵着重要的历史信息,对我们今天的社会也许不无启示。  相似文献   

19.
大学音乐欣赏教育中审美能力的培养   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
审美能力是人们在长期感受美、鉴赏美、创造美的实践活动中所形成的一种能力。大学音乐欣赏教育在引导学生不断实践、体验和鉴赏音乐的过程中 ,不仅能提高他们对音乐整体的感受能力 ,同时也可以培养他们正确的审美观  相似文献   

20.
会馆是商人的驿站和外交使馆,是促进商品经济繁荣的民间力量。清代至民国,商人在广西共修建了260多个会馆,同时留下了大量的修建记事碑、捐助碑、约定碑等。这些碑刻资料属于典型的民间文献。由于中国长期实行重农抑商政策,非常缺乏民间商业活动的记载,所以这些碑刻资料具有十分重要的史料价值。本文依据文献记载和实地调查的结果,分类介绍了这些资料的内容、表现方式及其特点,分析了与广西经济移民活动有关的历史信息,论述了城镇现代化过程中加强保护会馆及其碑刻资料的必要性及紧迫性,并提出了相关的对策。  相似文献   

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