新时代高校"规训"式网络文化育人困境与协同教化机制研究

"规训"式网络文化教育过于强调文化的意识形态建设和政治统治功能,导致青年网络主体生活教化理想被放弃,规范消解教化,经验消解理性,重复消解创新。培养"德才兼备"的新时代网络社会公民,促进其内化和谐网络文化价值观念和行动自觉,是新时代中国特色社会主义网络文化协同教化育人的本真意蕴和价值指向。建构协同教化育人机制,需加强党委、政府、社会、网络社会组织、高校等多元主体协同合作,创设协同教化育人的网络文明礼仪,优化网络传媒的宣传教化机制,建构"社会知识分子"的示范引领机制,培育、强化网络社会组织的育人功能,健全优化高校协同教化育人机制,共同助推新时代网络文化在网络社会中规范化、价值化、主流化,发挥其熏染、陶冶和教化育人功能,使其内化为青年网络主体的文化生活意识、精神存在和行为意志。     

青年知识分子的现状、问题与对策——常德市2500名青年知识分子抽样调查

“谁赢得了青年,谁就赢得了未来!”青年知识分子是青年群体中掌握文化科学技术知识的优秀分子,也是知识分子群体中最有发展前途的有生力量。在科学技术是第一生产力的今天,它代表着科技的未来,将在祖国四化建设中起到越来越大的作用。为了更好地了解当前青年知识分子在政治思想、工作学习和生活待遇等方面的情况,以便有针对性的做好青年知识分子工作,中共常德市委组织部在市城调队等部门的协助下,利用调查问卷和组织座谈、个别交谈等形式于今年八、九月份在全市范围内抽样调查了2500余名青年知识分子。调查结果显示:大多数青年知识分子政治上要求进步,社会主义信念坚定,事业进取心和时代责任感较强,对现任工作表示满意,工作能量发挥较好。但少数青年知识分子中的政治冷漠心理有蔓延扩大的势头,政治信仰也呈现多元化趋势。这在26—30岁这个年龄段的知识分子中较为明显。与此同时,大多数青年知     

人才强校视角的高校党外知识分子工作探析——以江苏省某高校为例

高校党外知识分子是人才强校的重要力量,有效做好高校党外知识分子工作,是高等学校实施人才强校战略的基本要求,也可以有力地促进大统战格局的巩固和发展。当前,高校党外知识分子工作面临着新的挑战,需要从重视和关怀党外知识分子、加强思想政治教育、营造良好环境、积极培养和举荐党外知识分子代表人士四个方面积极探索新的工作思路和对策。     

当代青年政治参与新特征之辩证观

青年政治参与是有序扩大公民政治参与中的优先领域。新世纪、新时代,当代青年政治参与的新特征主要表现为政治参与的主导力量多元化、政治参与的方式多样化、政治参与的能力娴熟化和政治参与的目标具体化。辩证分析当代青年政治参与的新特征,需要科学认识新社会环境对青年政治参与的决定性影响,需要科学把握青年政治参与中的耦合与偏离,需要科学判断青年知识分子在政治参与中引领作用的弱化。     

青年网络政治人的政治参与失范与统战策略

青年网络政治人的无序政治参与是党和政府面临的时代挑战。当前,青年网络政治人群体在正向、优效引领政治网络化、社会化的同时,也展现出诸多不良现状:其分散性、隐匿性和自由性的行为特质促使不良政治舆情的产生,网络意见领袖和舆论制造者极大影响着普通网民的政治价值观,易盲目冲动和从众跟风的心理弱点导致其政治参与的非理性,以及在网络世界强烈宣泄现实不满而造成整体网络政治环境的压抑和躁动。因此,将青年网络政治人有效纳入统一战线,将其建设为中国特色社会主义顺利推进的助推力量,是统战工作亟需完成的使命。统战工作具有整合社会力量、推动政治参与有序运行的重要功能,因而是解决青年网络政治人无序政治参与的优势路径。     

“互联网+”思维下共青团思想引领工作创新模式探究

青年思想引领作为共青团工作的一项重要工作发挥着举足轻重的作用。互联网+思维下思想引领的创新模式探究:网络文化产品进行思想引领。以引领思想、引导青年、服务青年为共青团工作理念,以"打造品牌,突出特色"为工作思路,开拓创新,锐意进取。在思想上,积极开发网络文化产品作为新媒介引导青年;打造品牌文化服务校园、服务青年。     

加强研究生思想政治教育实效性的途径研究

当前,随着研究生数量的增多,研究生群体呈现不同程度思想迷茫、轻思政教育而重科学研究等问题。本文提出,加强研究生思想政治教育,要完善科研创新体系、实践育人体系、心理健康教育体系和保障育人体系,凸显以人为本的理念;同时,要充分发挥党团组织的引领作用、研究生导师的育人作用、网络的导向作用和建立完善的思想政治教育评价机制。     

网络短视频与青年价值观的融合共生

随着新媒体技术日新月异的发展,短视频在宣传思想工作上起着重要作用,对青年的吸引力与影响力呈现逐步增长的趋势。推动短视频在社会主义核心价值观的引领下,实现其与青年价值观的融合共生是满足青年日益增长的美好生活需要的必要之举,是短视频在全媒体时代持续健康发展的应有之义,也是传播社会主义核心价值观的因时之需。解决短视频碎片化、娱乐化、去中心化、同质化与青年价值观形成之间内在矛盾,必须坚持以社会主义核心价值观为引领,做到视频内容突出社会主义核心价值观的主导作用,创作模式突出社会主义核心价值观的激励作用,传播方式突出社会主义核心价值观的凝聚作用,评价机制突出社会主义核心价值观的规范作用,真正实现网络短视频与青年价值观的融合共生。     

民主视角下青年网络政治参与的效应与政策选择

公民政治参与是现代民主的核心要素。青年政治参与是公民政治参与的重要组成部分,关系着中国民主建设状况与政治发展方向。青年政治参与先后出现过计划经济时代的政治动员型参与、市场经济时代的利益趋动型参与、网络时代的自我表达型参与三种类型。青年是网络政治参与的重要主体,由于网络自身的适时性、便捷性、交互性,再加之现实政治参与渠道的狭窄,在网络空间的青年政治参与表现出迥异于物质世界青年政治参与的活跃性。网络政治参与是青年政治参与新的增长点,不过其自身也存在着非理性、失范性、网络民粹主义、网络谣言等负面效应。为此,构建引导青年网络政治参与的政策与制度势在必行。     

高校辅导员博客建设规律研究

高校辅导员博客是辅导员思想政治教育工作的重要组成部分,是网络思想政治教育工作的重要阵地。构建符合青年文化特点与网络传播规律的辅导员博客,对引领青年主流价值。构建新的思政教育生态系统具有里程碑意义。本文通过分析“90后”青年的思想价值特征与辅导员博客的开设现状,针对其中的不足之处,提出“90后”青年主流价值观下的辅导员博客建设方案,以达到改善和提高高校辅导员博客水平的目的,使辅导员博客更有效地引领当代大学生的思想,更好地服务于学生的成才、成长。     

Social media teams as digital vanguards: the question of leadership in the management of key Facebook and Twitter accounts of Occupy Wall Street,Indignados and UK Uncut

Recent protest movements such as Occupy Wall Street in the US, the indignados/15M movement in Spain, and UK Uncut have witnessed the rise of social media teams, small activist groups responsible for managing high-visibility and collective activist social media accounts. Going against dominant assertions about the leaderless character of contemporary digital movements, the article conceptualises social media teams as ‘digital vanguards’, collective and informal leadership structures that perform a role of direction of collective action through the use of digital communication. Various aspects of the internal functioning of vanguards are discussed: (a) their formation and composition; (b) processes of internal coordination; (c) struggles over the control of social media accounts. The article reveals the profound contradiction between the leadership role exercised by social media teams and the adherence of digital activists to techno-libertarian values of openness, horizontality, and leaderlessness. The espousal of these principles has run against the persistence of power and leadership dynamics leading to bitter conflicts within these teams that have hastened the decline of the movements they served. These problems call for a new conceptual framework to better render the nature of leadership in digital movements and for new political practices to better regulate the management of social media assets.     

“思政课”教师与辅导员专兼结合的制度创新

推进思想政治理论课教师与辅导员专兼结合的制度化、规范化、科学化，需要制度创新。以“大思想政治教育”理念为指引，建立健全协调统一的领导体制和整体联动的工作机制，优化岗位设置及其职责，创新专兼结合的形式，构建符合中国国情的有别于西方的大学生思想政治教育制度体系。     

Women and Access to Political Office: a Comparison of Female and Male State Legislators

The status of women in state legislatures is examined in terms of representation across the United States. A sample of female state legislators and a sample of male state legislators are compared on social and political career characteristics, including marital status, education, occupation, age when one began serving, election mobility, party leadership, and tenure. Party leadership, education, age and, to a lesser extent, occupation were found to distinguish female from male legislators. But party leadership significantly differentiated only between female and male legislators with less than a college degree. Overall, access to state legislative office seems to depend on the same characteristics which define success in society as a whole; for certain groups of women, however, achievement within party ranks provides an alternative mechanism to this end.     

Political Narratives and the Production of Legitimacy: The Case of Corruption in Post-Mao China

China watchers have predicted that corruption would lead to a crisis for the ruling regime. Instead, the Chinese Communist Party has somehow managed to retain and even strengthen its political legitimacy. This article analyzes corruption not as a crime or a political problem but as a topic of political narratives, thereby revealing the political processes which led to this result. This study, based on interviews and archival data, examines narratives on the topic of corruption produced in the post-Mao era by the ruling regime and political dissidents in their struggle to influence the populace's views on political legitimacy. In the 1980s, disgruntled intellectuals drew upon the traditionalist collective narrative of corruption to teach citizens to blame the leadership and the structure of the government for social problems, essentially rewriting the narratives used to assess and judge the regime. In doing so, they successfully threatened the political authority of the Party-state. However, in the 1990s, China's leaders and the official media revised the story of corruption so that the Party-state battled corruption on behalf of its citizens in order to bring them economic opportunities, rising living standards, and social stability. In these new narratives, the role of the state was no longer that of ideological or moral leadership, but of economic management. Through these narratives of economic management, the regime managed to control the corruption crisis and recapture its political legitimacy, but was also forced to deal with the consequences of this new vision of state-society relations.     

政治社会化与两岸青年交流的动力机制建构

随着两岸关系发展的新进程，两岸青年交流也呈现出常态化、多样化和制度化的趋势，同时也存在着注重形式、交流动力不足等问题。对台湾青年群体政治意向调查显示，“去中国化”教育以及媒体乱象造成的青年认知混乱是当前两岸青年持续合作最主要的障碍。两岸青年交流在一个不断变化的环境中得以持续合作最终取决于两岸青年交流的制度化和理性化，构建文化认同机制、共同参与机制和社会融合机制是未来两岸青年持续合作的动力机制。     

发展大学生领导力教育的瓶颈及对策

世界各国的经验表明,高校开展大学生领导力教育有利于大学生更好地适应未来不断变化发展的现代社会。近些年,我国也开始关注大学生领导力教育问题,但在发展大学生领导力教育过程中存在定位有失偏颇、理解不够全面、教育资源的开发与利用不足等三大瓶颈。为此,对大学生领导力教育进行恰当定位,从大学生成长成才的角度出发开展领导力教育。探索大学生领导力教育长效机制显得十分紧迫和必要。     

“Maniacal slaves:” normative misogyny and female resistors of the Mojahedin-e Khalq Iran

Feminist scholars the world over are increasingly aware of the importance of analyzing popular discourse, especially regarding women’s involvement in proscribed violence. Yet few have looked at Middle Eastern organizations, and fewer still at the Mojahedin-e Khalq Iran (MEK), a longstanding resistance group whose all-female leadership and sizeable female membership present a compelling challenge to prevailing gender norms. How do popular media portray female MEK resistors and what might these representations signify for our gendered conceptions of violence? In examining the MEK’s female leadership, this article undertakes a close reading of western and Iranian news coverage in an attempt to analyze the degree to which these women are painted as willful political agents or, as is often assumed, irrational actors incapable of autonomous political participation. Following Sjoberg and Gentry, I develop four cognitive frames to describe female resistors, while also challenging the media’s victimizing and sexualizing gaze. I thus problematize these women’s portrayals as “maniacal slaves,” and explain how such gendered rhetoric operates to preclude the notion that members of the MEK might practice legitimate political resistance worthy of analysis or understanding.     

Patterns of Black Leadership: Implications for Social Work Education

This paper shows the historical relationship between social structure and Black leadership patterns, and points out their implications for social work education. Accordingly, it indicates that when Blacks were exposed to race relations policies of subjugation, toleration, segregation, and desegregation, they adopted leadership strategies of integration via verbal agitation and political participation, accommodation or separation via acquiescence or nationalism, and integration or separation via nonviolent direct action or violent direct action. Since the current race relations policy is one of tolerance, it is recommended that social work education prepare Black leaders to operate within this social context.     

Revolution in the making? Social media effects across the globe

Social networking sites are popular tools to engage citizens in political campaigns, social movements, and civic life. However, are the effects of social media on civic and political participation revolutionary? How do these effects differ across political contexts? Using 133 cross-sectional studies with 631 estimated coefficients, I examine the relationship between social media use and engagement in civic and political life. The effects of social media use on participation are larger for political expression and smaller for informational uses, but the magnitude of these effects depends on political context. The effects of informational uses of social media on participation are smaller in countries like the United States, with a free and independent press. If there is a social media revolution, it relates to the expression of political views on social networking sites, where the average effect size is comparable to the effects of education on participation.