新生代农民工政治认同研究

新生代农民工因其鲜明的"身份标签"与不断增强的政治意识,日益成为社会舆论的焦点,受到党、政府以及社会各界人士的热切关注。通过对福建省连江县琯头镇的调查发现,新生代农民工政治认同中制度、利益、权威认同普遍偏低。低收入、低待遇从根本上制约新生代农民工的政治认同,严格的户籍制度局限与不公平的分配制度降低了新生代农民工的政治认同,政府行为失范与新生代农民工自身因素欠缺也对其政治认同具有深刻影响。为此,我们要切实做到保障新生代农民工收入利益,增强其利益认同;消除不合理制度,提高其制度认同感;转变政府职能和规范政府行为,提升政治权威认同;提高新生代农民工素质能力,使其更好融入城市社会。     

北美新生代华裔女作家及其作品

北美新生代华裔女作家指20世纪60-70年代出生在加拿大和美国的华裔女作家，刘绮芬、刘恺悌、张岚、伍美琴、邱静瑜、黄锦莲、拉丽莎·赖和何舜廉就是其中出色的代表，她们通过自己的感性体验以及知识积淀，对华裔身份认同进行着独特的思考：刘绮芬的自我书写，刘恺悌的意识流幻想，张岚的追寻原乡，伍美琴的协商对话，邱静瑜的边缘宽容，黄锦莲的文化沟通，拉丽莎·赖的神话重写，何舜廉的童话重写，体现出身在边缘的华裔不断超越、升华的身份建构策略。     

信任缺失:新生代农民工身份建构与政治认同

新生代农民工城市融入的本质是新生代农民工与城市市民、城市社会组织及政治的互动与认同,这种互动与认同以信任为基础。其中人际信任、组织信任与政治信任分别构成新生代农民工身份建构的基础、融入城市的社会资本与政治认同的基础。由于当前社会人际信任缺失、组织信任匮乏与政治信任偏低,导致新生代农民工陷入身份建构与政治认同困境。因此只有通过修复新生代农民工的人际信任、增进其组织信任、重构政治信任方能构建起积极的身份认同。     

新生代农民工群体特征研究

自2010年中央一号文件首次提出“新生代农民工”说法,新生代农民工开始成为社会各界关注的对象,通过梳理相关文献大致可勾画出新生代农民工所谓“四高”、“一低”、“一薄弱”的社会印象和群体特征。相对其他群体来说,新生代农民工受教育水平并不高,对于农民身份认同相对减弱,城市社区认同较高。对于新生代农民工群体特征的研究应该区分农民工的人口学特征与社会特征,并充分认识到新生代农民工群体的异质性,对其定义和特征把握要注意从与周围群体和代际关系中共同考虑。     

《无声告白》中身份认同危机与代际关系

《无声告白》是当代华裔女作家伍绮诗的作品,讲述的是上世纪70年代华裔詹姆斯与白人姑娘玛丽琳成立的跨种族家庭中三代人的故事,家庭成员的族裔身份、性别身份出现了认同危机,导致了家庭悲剧的发生。从族裔理论、人格角色分析的视角剖析身份认同对代际关系的影响,以及该影响所造成的后果,从而得出结论:华裔家庭生活在文化夹缝中,无法摆脱困境。     

新生代农民工社会认同问题研究

问题范式是支撑既有新生代农民工研究的主导范式．新生代农民工群体常常被当作一个“问题群体”在研究。本文基于对一个新生代农民工融入城市社会之历程的阅读、理解和阐释,从社会认同角度探究了新生代农民工研究方式问题：新生代农民工群体并非一个问题群体所能简单概括．需要细致、冷静地观察与追踪研究;新生代农民工研究应摆脱结构化的问题范式,走向一种过程性的理解范式。本研究认为,群体资格是新生代农民工社会认同研究新的可能的研究路径。     

社会排斥对新生代农民工自我认同影响的探讨

新生代农民工作为目前我国农民工的主体,受到了来自不同层面的社会排斥,这些排斥直接影响着新生代农民工的自我认同。在前人已有研究成果的基础上,本文运用深度访谈和观察的研究方法,描述了我国新生代农民工受到的社会排斥现状,深入剖析了社会排斥对新生代农民工自我认同的影响。     

世代政治视角下台湾青年国家认同问题

2014年发生在台湾地区的太阳花学运中,台湾青年由政治冷漠群体走上台湾政治舞台,他们的运动诉求具有明显的"反中"倾向,出现"中国认同"危机。从世代政治视角分析发现,"趋左"的青年政治生命阶段、历史上特殊的群体成长经历和经验以及现实中两岸和平发展的利益分配问题等三方面导致了学运中台湾青年国家认同的异化。后太阳花时代,应以包容的态度对待台湾青年、务实的方式与他们分享发展利益、用中华文化软实力引导他们认同中国的提升路径。     

基于中国传统文化的产品形象设计应用研究

中华文化经历了五千年的发展,所积淀的民族文化使中国在世界竞争中处于相对优势地位。中国传统文化越来越多地受到世界各国人民的青睐,国内外设计师争相以中国传统文化元素作为产品形象设计灵感。中国传统文化以其古朴、典雅、中庸的东方元素,与现代产品设计相结合,成为世界时尚发展潮流所趋。基于中国传统文化的产品形象设计,更具中国韵味,从审美价值观和文化认同等方面,使消费者产生认同心理。将中国传统文化元素应用于产品形象设计中,也是中国传统文化得以传承的一种创新形式。     

新生代员工心理契约和离职倾向的关系研究

新生代员工群体逐渐成为推动社会发展的重要力量,这一群体表现出的频繁跳槽现象已引起了社会各界的普遍关注。对新生代员工不同维度的心理契约破裂、组织认同和离职倾向之间的关系研究发现,规范型和发展型心理契约破裂显著正向影响其离职倾向;规范型、人际型和发展型心理契约破裂均显著负向影响其组织认同;组织认同在规范型心理契约破裂和离职倾向的关系中起到完全中介作用,在发展型心理契约破裂和离职倾向的关系中起到部分中介作用。     

Transnational Networks and Institutional Embeddedness: Reengagement of the New Generation of Malaysian Chinese Entrepreneurs with China

The new generation of Southeast Asian Chinese society, who were locally born and grew up, have largely weakened their interaction with China. However, the growing business opportunities presented from the Belt and Road Initiative (the BRI), which was launched in 2013, serve as a big impetus for the new generation entrepreneurs to reengage China. Drawn upon an empirical case study of the new generation of Malaysian Chinese entrepreneurs, this paper argues that, the entrepreneurs regard institutional embeddedness as a critical channel to enhance their abilities to accumulate transnational social capital and strengthen their socio-economic networks with China. The transnational networks facilitate them to seize business opportunities from the BRI, and simultaneously reinforce their Malaysian national identity. Moreover, this study demonstrates the emergence of knowledge networks in the transnational space. It not only reflects the increasing interests of the new generation entrepreneurship in China's innovation and technology, but also reveals the developmental strategies of both the Malaysian and Chinese states.     

中国经验的环境之维:向度及其限度——对中国环境社会学研究的回顾与反思

改革开放以来的中国经验既包括经济、政治、文化、社会等维度,也包括了环境这一重要维度。本文通过对中国环境社会学研究的回顾来重新理解中国经验;通过对中国经验的反思,检讨中国环境社会学研究的缺陷与局限。中国经验与中国环境社会学存在着休戚相关、互相建构和重塑的关系,对二者互为映照的关系需要予以深入的批判和反思。     

Evaluation of a multi-site program designed to strengthen relational bonds for siblings separated by foster care

Sibling relationships in foster care settings have received increased attention in recent years. Despite growing evidence regarding the protective potential of sibling relationships for youth in care, some sibling groups continue to experience foster care related separation, and few programs exist to address the needs of these youth.This study describes and evaluates Camp To Belong, a multi-site program designed to provide short-term reunification to separated sibling groups through a week-long summer camp experience. Using a pre-test post-test survey design, this paper examines changes in youth ratings of sibling conflict and sibling support across camps located in six geographically distinct regions of the United States. The effects of youth age, number of prior camp exposures, and camp location were tested using multilevel modeling procedures.Findings suggest that participation in Camp To Belong may reduce sibling conflict, and improvements in sibling support are noted for youth who have had prior exposure to the camp’s programming. Camp-level variance in the sibling support outcome highlight the complex nature of relationships for siblings separated by foster care, and suggest the need for additional research. Lessons learned from this multi-site evaluation and future directions are discussed.     

Identity maintenance and identity shift: the case of the Tirok Chinese Peranakan in Terengganu

This paper examines the state of identity maintenance and identity shift among the Tirok Chinese Peranakan in Terengganu who are an acculturated rural Chinese community in a Malay populated area. The current older generation still maintains the Peranakan identity, featuring strong Malay cultural influence. Their acculturation by the larger Malay community could be attributed to the combination of three factors: confinement to a Malay environment, common schooling with the local Malays and strong Sino-Malay ties. Malay cultural influence is most evident in their spoken language, building architecture, dressing style, cuisine, eating habits and female inheritance rights. However, amidst acculturation, they still maintain a strong Chinese identity that has been manifested through their observance of Chinese religious and cultural practices, their usage of the Chinese dialect as the home language, their preference for wearing Chinese-style attire in public and their preference for intra-ethnic marriages. But the Peranakan identity has been eroded over the years. There is a noticeable identity shift among the current younger generation as new intervening socio-cultural factors have reduced their interactions with the local Malays and heightened their Chinese identity. The degree of identity shift, however, differs between the current second and third generations and also between those who have moved to town and those who remain in Tirok.     

Identity development and cultural production in the Chinese diaspora to the United States, 1850–2004: new perspectives

Diaspora studies have grown in importance in the modern world as world travel and relocation have become more feasible; as the numbers of persecuted peoples and those seeking exile or new beginnings in new lands has increased; as globalization has created new classes of diaspora movement based on economic motivations; and as technology and modern communication has linked people worldwide and made virtual diasporas and identities readily possible. In the present time, the concept of the diaspora has become the most relevant and usefully adaptable way to view global cultural interaction and human situational practices. This paper examines change and development in Chinese diaspora populations in the US, which have encountered the entire range of diaspora experience, old and new, from 1850 to the present day. The aim is threefold: (1) comparatively to sketch new ideas in diaspora studies, add to them where possible, and employ them in an analysis of individual and community identity construction in the Chinese diaspora, while comparing and contrasting these experiences with those of the Jewish and black diasporas; (2) to present a four-stage model of diasporic literary production and attendant personal and community identity construction, through which varied examples of Chinese American writing will be examined; and (3) within this model, to give extended attention to Chinese American writer Maxine Hong Kingston's China Men (1980), a pivotal text defining and describing Chinese American diaspora identity and experience in the US. The paper concludes with a look forward, and thoughts about possible new conditions modifying ‘new diasporas’.     

Calibrated Ambitions: Low Educational Ambition as a Form of Strategic Adaptation Among Chinese Youth in Spain

Deemed “model minorities,” second‐generation Chinese‐Americans have, on average, high levels of educational attainment and, as a result, they have experienced more upward mobility than other groups. Yet, on the other side of the Atlantic, a strikingly different story about Chinese immigrants and their offspring emerges. Based on analysis of the Longitudinal Study of the Second Generation in Spain, findings from this study show that Chinese youths in Spain have substantially lower educational ambitions and attainment than youths from every other nationality. Met with discrimination at school and in the labor market, yet finding financial success in niche markets as small business owners, I argue that the Chinese in Spain have, at least temporarily, forged an alternative pathway of mobility based on entrepreneurial endeavors rather than educational accomplishments – a formula passed on from immigrant parents to their offspring. The way Chinese youths in Spain have calibrated their ambition represents a form of strategic adaptation to the barriers put up against immigrant minorities in Spanish society.     

The relevance of the Chinese experience for third world economic development

Conclusion If the ten elements of Chinese development strategy discussed earlier are to provide object lessons relevant for other third world nations, they must be potentially transferable to other societies. The extent to which each element of the strategy is transferable depends on the conditions under which it can be successfully implemented, and on the degree to which these conditions are satisfied in other third world nations. I had also sought to determine what political-economic, geographical, and historical conditions are required for the successful implementation of each of the ten elements of strategy. The results of this analysis are summarized in the form of a matrix in Table 1. Each of the ten elements of strategy under discussion requires at least one - and often many more - of the major features of China's political-economic system. In all cases an effective and extensive system of public administration and/or a massoriented class structure are required, and in most cases a considerable degree of public ownership of the means of production and administrative control of resource allocation is either necessary or helpful. Less often required, but crucial in a few cases, are a central government with the power to mobilize resources on a large scale, a political leadership capable of influencing and involving people on a wide scale, and a ruraloriented class structure.Among the key geographic characteristics considered, large size is necessary or helpful for the successful implementation of two of the ten elements of strategy, but is disadvantageous in many cases because it is then more difficult for the political leadership to establish an effective system of public administration and to influence and involve people on a wide scale. An abundance of labor and scarcity of land is quite generally disadvantageous because it makes the achievement of rapid economic growth more difficult under any development strategy. But ethnological unity can be very helpful for the establishment of a strong state in all three respects I have distinguished.A cultural tradition oriented to cooperative work is quite helpful - if not strictly necessary - for three of the elements of strategy. A heritage of educational and administrative experience is helpful - but not absolutely essential - for all ten elements, since it improves the operation of those basic economic institutions and those characteristics of the state which have played an important role in the success of the Chinese development strategy. The less a society has been subject to foreign domination, the more its environment is likely to be conducive to the success of many elements of the Chinese strategy. And, finally, a profound social revolution would appear to be necessary in most instances for the development of three features of the Chinese political-economic system which as a group are indispensable for the success of all ten elements of the Chinese development strategy.These conclusions suggest that most of the elements of strategy described are currently applicable in only a few third world nations at best. Only a handful of nations have experienced a social revolution of any kind, and not all of these revolutions have been strongly rooted in the rural masses. Moreover, many of the revolutionary societies (e.g., Cuba, Mozambique, Vietnam) have a bitter history of Western imperialist domination to overcome, and most have only a limited heritage of educational and administrative experience to draw upon (e.g., the African nations). Some do not have a cultural tradition conducive to collective modes of operation (most notably Cuba), and many are ethnologically heterogeneous (e.g., Angola, Mozambique). Of all contemporary third world nations, North Korea would appear to come closest to meeting the historical, geographical, and political-economic conditions that have played a significant (and in many cases an essential) role in the success of the Chinese development strategy. But even in the case of North Korea the match is far from perfect in many respects.Do these observations imply that the Chinese experience is essentially unique and therefore largely irrelevant for the rest of the third world? I think not. First of all, the Chinese experience has set new and higher standards for the evaluation of development performance and policy throughout the world: it is no longer enough to promote rapid economic growth, but development planners can and will be held accountable for achieving a balanced pattern of development in which non-growth objectives such as greater equity and self-reliance are promoted along with faster growth.Second, certain elements of the Chinese development strategy do lend themselves to successful application - at least to a certain extent - in other societies which differ considerably from China in their political-economic, geographical, and historical conditions. For example, the promotion of mass-oriented human resource development could be carried out with some success in a nation with a reasonably strong state (in terms of its capacity for resource mobilization and public administration) and a political leadership somewhat oriented to the masses. A strategy of restriction of luxury consumption is potentially more widely transferable, for it requires mainly a mass-oriented political leadership and, up to a point, does not depend on an unusually effective state apparatus. Some degree of economic diversification of regions and localities, as well as some degree of amelioration of rural-urban imbalance, can be successfully accomplished provided that the political leadership is sufficiently rural-oriented and can rely upon an effective and extensive administrative system. In all these cases the necessary configuration of political-economic conditions is possible (if not very likely) in a society that has not undergone a profound social revolution and that operates within a predominantly capitalist institutional framework. More revolutionary change would be more conducive to success, but not absolutely essential for some progress to be made.Third, and more important, some of the key conditions required for the successful implementation of much of the Chinese development strategy can be realized in the future even if they do not obtain at present in most third world societies. Here it is important to distinguish between those aspects of the setting of any given society which are virtually immutable and those aspects which are amenable to change under appropriate historical circumstances. The key geographical characteristics that I have discussed clearly involve stable features of a society's environment; nothing short of massive territorial annexation, massive migration, or genocide could alter the size, the resource endowment, or the ethnological structure of contemporary third world nations. The historical characteristics I have cited vary considerably in their susceptibility to change. Cultural traditions built up over centuries (and in some cases millenia) cannot be transformed within a generation. The amount of time it takes to overcome the effects of Western imperialism depends of course on the force and the longevity of its imposition, but in many areas at least a generation might be needed. And a substantial degree of educational and administrative experience can only be built up with several decades of concerted effort. The possibility of significant change in any of these three historical characteristics hinges on some kind of decisive break with the past which ushers in new political leadership determined to bring about large-scale change. Such a decisive break need not involve a revolutionary redistribution of power from dominating to oppressed classes, but it does require at least the accession to power of strongly nationalist forces determined to modernize their country (i.e., to increase its resemblance to the powerful industrialized nations of the modern world). Social revolution is the most fundamental historical characteristic of all, for it underlies the establishment of many of the key features of China's political-economic system and (not incidentally) also creates a context in which the needed changes in the other three historical characteristics become more readily achievable. Profound social revolutions, in which formerly oppressed classes do succeed in wresting power from formerly privileged classes, are not made overnight, but they can be brought about after a period of revolutionary organization and struggle. If the revolutionary movement is to be truly rooted in the masses (and the rural masses in particular), and if it is to succeed in a contemporary international context in which privileged classes in third world nations can often count on support from major foreign powers, it is bound to take a great deal of time and effort. But the point I am making here is that it has been done in some countries in the past, and there is every likelihood that it will eventually be done in some other countries in the future.At present it would be foolhardy to attempt to predict where Chinese-style revolutions might succeed in generating historical and political-economic conditions approximating those which have contributed to the success of the Chinese strategy of development. But there are many third world nations with one or more relevant geographic and historical characteristics already similar to China's. For example, India, Indonesia, and Brazil share China's large size, some of the Latin American nations are ethnologically quite homogeneous, many East and Southeast Asian nations have cultural traditions resembling those of the Chinese, the people of India and some of the other semi-industrialized nations of the third world have already acquired a substantial degree of educational and administrative skills, and nations such as Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Afghanistan were not thoroughly restructured by foreign powers. Profound social revolutions in any of these nations - however distant the prospect may now appear- would go a long way toward establishing the conditions under which many of the lessons from the Chinese strategy of development could indeed be successfully applied. As for the immediate future, there is little likelihood that the Chinese experience will be of much relevance to development planning in the rest of the third world. For the great majority of third world nations are still dominated by propertied or otherwise privileged elites, and, as one observer has put it, revolution is precisely the fate which [they] are striving to avert through their development.

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Understanding Chinese Battered Women in North America

SUMMARY

Spouse abuse is an ignored, invisible, but significant problem in the Chinese community. This paper describes the experience of Chinese battered women in North America and provides suggestions for culturally sensitive and competent interventions for them. The discussion is based on an extensive review of the literature regarding Chinese battered women. In understanding the experience of Chinese battered women and their strategic responses to the abuse, helping professionals are urged to consider cultural, contextual, as well as individual factors including family dynamics. A three-tier model of intervention for treatment of spouse abuse in the Chinese community is proposed that targets the individual battered women, the family system, and the larger community.     

社会建设和社会管理研究与中国社会学使命

根据中国社会学百多年发展的轨迹和中国社会学前辈艰辛探索学科本土化的启示,在我看来,探索社会建设和社会管理的重要且正确的研究路径是:立足现实,提炼现实;开发传统,超越传统;借鉴国外,跳出国外;正确总结中国理念,科学概括中国经验。     

"Engines Of Acculturation": The Last Political Generation of Jewish Women in Interwar East Europe

This study explores the formation of a political generation of Jewish women in interwar East Europe. Based on questionnaire data obtained from the Survivors of the Ravensbrueck Concentration Camp for Women and on secondary historical materials, it applied Mannheim's theory of political generations and the conditions for the formation of "generational units" under the impression of "fresh contact" in order to examine the role of class, education, and religiosity in the formation of political generations. Under the specific socio–historical circumstances analyzed, it is argued that Jewish women who came of age in interwar East Europe formed, perhaps for the first time a distinct political generation, as evidenced by high rates of political participation and assimilation into the thriving secular nationalistic culture of their time.