关于完善人大对政府预算审查监督制度体系的构想

审查批准预算、监督预算执行,是宪法和法律赋予各级人大及其常委会的重要职权。加强和改进人大预算审查监督,对于发展民主政治、建设市场经济、构建和谐社会具有重要意义。人大预算审查监督法制基础、运行机制和自身建设情况,还存在法律法规制度缺失、审查监督工作乏力、支持保证条件不足等问题。人大预算审查监督制度体系框架包括:具体制度安排,实施机制,制度环境,三者最终形成了政府预算“立法、决策、执行、监督”相互分离制约,“四位一体”的人大预算审查监督制度体系。     

健全我国法律监督制度问题新探

法律制度、法律实施和法律监督,共同构成成熟的完善法制的必要内容。其中法律监督制度作为社会主义法制不可缺少的重要组成部分,则从根本上反映出社会主义法律制度的发展水平和完善程度。因此,应当如何评价我国法律监督制度的发展状况,客观分析现行法律监督制度不能发挥作用的原因,研究进一步完善法律监督制度的原则和措施,乃是当前我国法制建设的一项迫切任务。一、符合我国特点的社会主义法律监督体系正在初步形成法律监督制度的逐步建立和发展,是我国法制建设不断取得进展的必然要求和重要标     

中西预算审查监督比较研究

预算制度的历史变迁,经历了从专制的王权预算到民主政府预算的转变过程。预算审查监督作为立法机构对政府预算的控制制度,也经历了同样的发展过程。它既是政府预算制度发展的最终结果,也是政府预算制度产生的最初目的。本文通过中西预算审查监督历史比较分析,研究在我国中央和地方政府预算制度改革中,各级人大对本级政府预算审查监督的启示与借鉴意义。一、西方主要国家议会财政权的发展途径英国议会财政权的最终确立经历了400多年时间。此后,其他资本主义国家议会财政权相继确立,如美国通过独立战争、法国通过资产阶级革命确立了议会财政权…     

论新时期社会监督的机制构建

社会监督制度是我国社会主义民主监督的重要形式 ,完善的社会监督制度对于克服官僚主义和腐败现象、促进社会全面发展具有重要作用。目前我国社会监督制度还存在很多不足之处 ,客观上要求我们必须转变观念 ,努力寻求制度创新。本文系统阐述了发展社会监督制度需要完善的四个机制 ,即“整体协调机制”、“市场推动机制”、“民主表达机制”、“权威支持机制” ,以此来广泛动员社会各阶层积极地参与社会监督 ,增强“以民制权”的力度     

宪法监督制度的发展趋势

宪法监督制度的发展趋势廖克林一、人大监督和宪法监督的区别现行宪法对人大监督权和宪法监督权在主体、对象、内容、机构设置、监督功能等方面有所混淆是客观存在的。严格区分人大监督与宪法监督,这是我国宪法监督制度的必然发展趋势。人大监督的主体是指人大本身,它的...     

浅议当代西方国家对政府的监督和制约

在当代西方国家的监督体系中，议会对政府的监督是主要的，议会主要通过人事监督和施政监督来完成对政府的监督和制约。进入信息时代，随着新闻媒体的快速发展和形形色色的利益集团的大量涌现，当代西方国家的新闻媒体和利益集团对政府的监督和制约开始发挥着愈来愈重要的作用，有效弥补了议会对政府监督和制约的不足，表明当代西方国家对政府的监督和制约的内外因素逐步加强。     

关于英国封建政治的特质与议会传统

历史选择英国作为议会制度的母体 ,完全是因为英国存在特殊的历史条件。议会不是抽象理论和精心设计的结果 ,而是直觉的结果 ,是无图纸建筑。英国封建制度和封建政治的特质主要在于 :王权与贵族力量的平衡、中庸主义的政治思维模式和行为方式 ;法律的相对独立性、“法律至上、王在法下”宪法原则的形成 ;议会成为政治斗争的主要场所和权力合法性的重要来源     

西方国家政党与议会立法的运行机制分析

西方国家政党与议会立法的运行机制包括两个方面：一方面,是政党对议会立法的影响或控制。首先,通过政党组织———议会党团实现对议会的影响或控制,议会党团是政党影响或控制立法机关的组织形式。其次,充分发挥政党领袖和督导员的作用,他们往往通过职权、威望影响本党党员的投票行为。另一方面,是议会对政党的监督和制约。根据监督路径的不同,可以分为直接监督和间接监督。     

广东省人大预算联网监督的改革实践及完善

对政府预算进行监督是人大的固有职权,但长期以来由于各种原因,人大监督难以取得实效。广东省联网监督模式是各省人大预算监督改革中的成功范例,在信息获取、监督方式上均有创新。但联网监督模式仍未将预算收入纳入监督范围,缺乏对预算收入的监督是我国人大预算监督存在的问题。要落实人大预算监督权力,必须重视对预算收入的监督。     

议会主权原则下的英国司法审查——以2005年《宪法改革法》为视角

议会主权原则是英国宪法的重要原则,由于历史的原因,英国上议院长期作为立法与司法合一的机构存在,2005年的<宪法改革法>实现了英国宪制的重大变革,即设立新的最高法院以取代原先由上议院独享的最高上诉管辖权,不过该法对议会主权原则下立法权与司法权的关系并未带来革命性的影响,尽管英国法院对议会立法的违宪审查权事实上存在,但英国议会仍保持其理论上的至上性.     

Accountability and the design of an anticorruption agency in a parliamentary democracy

This article explores the institutional requirements of accountability for an anticorruption agency in a parliamentary democracy. It suggests that approaching public accountability as ‘the satisfaction of legitimate expectations about the use of discretion’ is useful in understanding or designing an accountability regime for such a powerful agency requiring independence from the executive. The approach facilitates identification of a variety of stakeholders and a range of institutional means by which their legitimate expectations may be satisfied. Despite the recognition, in consequence, of multiple agents and channels of accountability, parliament must remain central to the accountability regime and can achieve this through an appropriately designed oversight committee. Examination of a selected Australian agency, the Western Australian Corruption and Crime Commission, provides support for these propositions. Particular controversies involving this agency are used to demonstrate the requirements of a parliamentary oversight committee, and that independent review of determinations of misconduct, as well as appropriately regulated public hearings where there is a strong public interest in matters under investigation, are important elements of public accountability for an anticorruption agency.     

我国政府预算透明度的考量和提升

在现代民主国家,政府预算的透明度具有重要意义,因为它在一定程度上代表着一国的民主程度。1990年代以来,通过以部门预算为主导的一系列预算改革,我国预算透明度有所提高,但按照国际标准考量,仍处于较低水平。在当前的政治和经济条件下,可以考虑着重从界定清晰的政府范围、严格预算外资金管理和推进部门预算等方面改进。     

Managing the science in the presence of financial conflict of interest

ABSTRACT

We consider the question of why (primarily) and how (secondarily) to perform scientific oversight of research performed by investigators with a financial conflict of interest (COI). One way to frame the trade-off of having investigators with financial COI participate in research is through a decision rule: “Our institution is willing for financially conflicted investigators to participate in research around their intellectual property if (a) the science is likely to be significantly better with their participation (or if other significant benefits accrue); and (b) the COI can be adequately managed”.

A key component of COI management is the demonstration that the underlying science is sufficiently rigorous and transparent, and in turn, a scientific oversight plan is a key element of that demonstration. Scientific oversight plans should be proactively generated, by individuals (i.e., scientific reviewers) who are independent and expert, and they should assess the rigor and transparency of the research, in a fashion which is fair and efficient.

Abbreviations: COI: conflict of interest; SOP: scientific oversight plan     

预算编制模式研究

预算过程包括编制、审议、执行和监督四个阶段,其中预算编制是整个预算过程的起点和基础。通常意义上,对预算的关注和斗争集中于审议阶段,而忽略了编制。事实上,科学的编制模式是形成优良预算案的决定性步骤。规划合理的编制模式,不但能防止审议阶段的矛盾聚集和激化,还能有效提高审议效率,避免浪费。合理的预算编制应是一个开放、主动、专业的综合性工作,既能保证反映民意,又能保证技术支持,还能与国家的整体规划相配合。     

National,independent oversight: Reinforcing the safety net for human subjects research*

National, independent oversight is vital to resolve the problems and inconsistencies in oversight of human subjects research. Three key functions that must be considered in any proposal for such a mechanism are (1) issue spotting, (2) guidance on identified issues, and (3) sampling and follow‐up. The 1998 report and recommendations of the National Bioethics Advisory Commission concerning research involving persons with mental disorders that may affect decisionmaking capacity address these functions in part, but application is limited to a small segment of the research population. Incorporation of these three key functions in a formal, national, independent oversight process is necessary in order to ensure accountability and maintain public trust in research.     

Political explanations for the difficulties in congressional budgeting

Why does the congressional budget process seem so flawed? The difficulties Congress has budgeting are a direct result of the nature of a representative democracy. The American public wants contradictory budgetary actions from its representatives in Congress. Congress is a responsive body on budgetary matters, as can be seen by the strong correlations between demographics and congressional budget votes. Being responsive, however, does not make it accountable. The problems Congress faces when budgeting are in part a result of the inconsistencies of what the public says it wants. Thus, unless the contradictory desires of the American public are modified, congressional budgeting is destined to be viewed as flawed and inadequate.     

Policy agendas and immigration in Australia 1996 –2012

Immigration in Australia is inherently a controversial topic. Events such as the MV Tampa affair cause increased media and legislative attention but increased legislative attention in the policy area do not always follow such dramatic events. We analyse media and legislative attention in the area of immigration and show increased activity in parliament around both dramatic events discussed in the media and also over more technical issues. Increased attention within parliament sometimes occurs outside of the gaze of the media.     

Minority government and marginal members: new issues for political and policy legitimacy in Australia

A steady decline in major party support in Commonwealth nations has resulted in changing parliamentary compositions, including the growing prevalence of minority government. Such situations pose new questions for notions of government legitimacy within Westminster systems. For instance, is negotiation with cross-benchers an example of government illegitimacy? What is the legitimate role of non-ministerial members when the composition of parliament gives them the final say on the enabling legislation for public policy? What is the legitimate response of the public sector regarding policy-making in the context of minority government? In this paper, we reflect on how a ‘marginal member’ concept can provide new insights into such issues and their implications.     

Disentangling Energy Policy from Environmental Policy*

Objectives. I attempt to disentangle energy policy from environmental policy in order to explain the shifting politics surrounding the former. I can then explain why energy policies have historically provided distributive benefits but also the implications of the fact that energy proposals have in recent years become more regulatory in nature. Methods. I use a range of methods. These include qualitative accounts of the evolution of energy policy, graphic depictions of congressional activity, spending, and partisanship, and multivariate analyses of oversight activities. Results. I find that policymakers have historically treated energy issues as distributive policy, resulting in an emphasis on spending and oversight but not on substantial legislation. Over the last three decades, as policymakers push energy proposals that are more regulatory in nature, energy politics have become more divisive and partisan. Conclusion. Ultimately, I conclude that the enactment of strong energy policies will necessarily involve conditions that have been conducive to passage of other strong regulatory policies.