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国际货币体系需要改革,改革的方向包括:对主要货币发行国施加国际约束,加强IMF的作用,设立货币锚,建立全球性或地区性的金融支持系统,解决全球流动性失衡,国际货币体系的过渡等。西方6国中央银行签署货币多边互换协议,是否成为未来国际货币体系的演变方向值得关注。中国要积极稳妥地加快资本账户开放,加快国内结构性调整,消除金融市场各种风险隐患,这是人民币国际化的治本之策。 相似文献
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从国际经验看,主要国际金融中心的建设和发展始终存在着市场与政府两种推动力量。当前,在作为国家战略的上海国际金融中心建设进程中,需要与市场化发展相匹配的是更好地发挥政府作用,从多方面不断完善政府推动平台建设。 相似文献
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Gerard Strange 《Globalizations》2013,10(2):257-272
This article critically interrogates the principle claims of the ‘new constitutionalist’ thesis, particularly as applied to the evaluation of European monetary union (EMU). In doing so, it argues for the (continuing) efficacy of the euro as a vector for social democratic advance both at the EU and global levels. It is argued that new constitutionalism's exclusive focus on the internal and external ‘neoliberal’ constraints EMU imposes on social democracy is overdrawn. The article critically examines the internal and external dimension of EMU's alleged ‘self-limitation’. Drawing on evidence from the recent eurozone crises as well as the SGP crisis of the early to mid-2000s, it is argued that EMU's internal self-limitation has been consistently subject to successful challenge and reform through a process of ‘permanent renegotiation’. This has played out in the context of ongoing tension within EMU between alternative models of integration and decision-making. In terms of the external dimension, the article focuses on the euro's structural power and the potential this provides for global leverage. It is argued that new constitutionalism exaggerates American dominance in the global monetary domain, deflecting attention from fundamental changes in the structure and politics of international money that have contributed to the diffusion of power in a new conjuncture marked by policy conflict, contestation and uncertainty. The ‘presence’ of euro is one such structural change. Este artículo interroga críticamente el punto principal de la tesis de los ‘nuevos constitucionalistas,’ particularmente como se aplica a la evaluación de la Unión Monetaria Europea (UEM, por su sigla en inglés). Al hacer esto, argumenta por la (continua) eficacia del euro, como un vector para el avance social democrático, tanto a nivel de la Unión Europea como global. Sostiene que el enfoque exclusivo del nuevo constitucionalismo en el ‘neoliberalismo’ interno y externo y las restricciones que la Unión monetaria europea impone a la democracia social, son una exageración. El artículo examina críticamente la dimensión interna y externa de la UEM como una supuesta ‘autolimitación.’ Partiendo de la evidencia tanto de la reciente crisis de la zona del euro, como de la crisis del SGP del principio a mediados de la década del 2000, propone que la autolimitación interna de la UEM ha estado consistentemente sujeta al reto y la reforma, a través de un proceso de ‘renegociación permanente’. Esto se materializó en el contexto de la tensión en curso dentro de la UEM entre modelos alternativos de integración y la toma de decisiones. En términos de la dimensión externa, el artículo se enfoca en el poder estructural del euro y el potencial que esto provee para el apalancamiento global. Se sostiene que el nuevo constitucionalismo exagera el domino americano en el dominio monetario, desviando la atención a los cambios fundamentales en las estructuras y políticas de la moneda internacional, que ha contribuido a la difusión del poder en una coyuntura marcada por el conflicto político, la disputa y la incertidumbre. La ‘presencia’ del euro es uno de los grandes cambios estructurales. 本文批判性地质问“新立宪主义者”的观点,尤其是当运用于欧洲货币联盟改革评价时。在此情况下,它论证了在欧盟及全球层次上都作为一种社会民主主义发展矢量的欧元的持续性效力。本文认为,新立宪主义对欧洲货币联盟施加于社会民主主义的内部和外部的“新自由主义”约束所给予的独有关注被夸大了。文章批判性地考察了欧洲货币联盟所谓“自我限制”的内部和外部维度。以最近欧元区的危机以及世纪之初稳定与增长公约的危机为据,本文提出欧洲货币联盟的内部自我限制一直受到“长久再协商”进程中的成功改革与挑战。这在欧洲货币联盟内一体化与决策的可选模式之间当前的紧张背景下已经走到头。在外部维度上,本文关注欧元区的结构性实力以及为全球影响力做准备的潜在实力。本文认为,新立宪主义夸大了全球货币领域的美国支配地位,从而忽视了在一个以政策冲突、论争和不确定性为标志的紧要关头,对权力扩散产生了促进作用的国际货币结构与政治的根本性变革。欧元的“存在”就是这样一种结构变革。 ? ??? ‘??????(new constitutionalist)’ ??? ?? ??? ??????(EMU)? ?? ??? ???? ????? ??? ????? ????. ??? ??? ? ??? EU ??? ??? ???? ??????? ??? ????? ???? ??? ????. ??? ????? ????? ??????? ??????? ??? ???, ??? ????? ??? ??? ??? ??? ?? ????? ?? ????. ? ??? ?????? ????? ??????? ??, ?? ??? ????? ????. ?? ???? ??? 2000?? ??? SGP? ??? ???? ???? ??? ??? ??? ????? ???? ??? ??? ??? ??? ?? ????. ??? ?????? ??? ?? ???? ??? ??????? ?? ???? ????? ?? ??? ?????. ? ??? ??? ???? ??? ????? ???? ???? ???? ?? ???? ??? ???. ? ??? ??? ????? ????, ??? ???? ?????? ??? ???? ?? ??? ???? ????? ??? ??? ?? ??? ?? ??? ???? ?? ?????? ??? ???? ???? ??? ?? ????. 相似文献
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纽约自"新阿姆斯特丹"伊始,就成为美国的重要贸易海港,并逐渐成为国家的经济支柱。除却地理因素,政策因素和人文形态也是其重要的原因。100多年来,纽约的主导产业随着时代变迁,从占尽天时地利而发展的制造业,到如今引领全球的金融业。其中,华尔街在城市的发展中扮演了重要的角色,道琼斯指数揭示了美国政治和经济对金融业发展的影响。如今,华尔街又一次面临着衰退和必然的变革,然而华尔街在世界经济中的影响力仍然不可小觑。 相似文献
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在当代中国地方政府主导型市场经济发展背景下,促进区域政府合作是实现区域一体化的理性选择。大珠三角西岸地区“一国两制”背景下的跨境治理过程中,政府干预型协调模式的应用是弥补市场制度供给不足的一种必然选择。本文梳理了澳门与珠西地区从民间自发经贸合作到政府主导下的制度性协作的渐进发展过程,考察了大珠西地区跨境治理在组织架构、制度架构、规划指引和空间平台等方面的主要构成特征,指出了存在的主要问题和缺陷,并从制度、组织、规划、经济和设施等五个方面提出了区域整合的策略,以期在现有合作基础上建立起更大范围、更高层次、更加规范化的合作关系,来推动大珠西地区跨境区域治理机制进一步走向成熟。 相似文献
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This article studies the impact of the European Union (EU) on the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD). While the literature thus far has focused on the external challenges for the DAC's role in international development, this study argues that the EU should be taken into account as well. By focusing on the cases of policy coherence for development and the concessionality of official development assistance (ODA) loans, we show that the EU poses a structural challenge for the DAC's role in international development given the strong overlap in membership between both institutions and the Union's changing nature as a development actor. 相似文献
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Julie Mertus 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2013,15(1):110-128
This article critically examines the presumption that international adjudication of wartime rape cases advances the interests of survivors. It argues that just as national women's rights advocates recognize the futility of relying on court testimony alone for the production of a narrative that reflects women's experiences, promotes their agency and addresses their need for closure and healing, international women's rights advocates should explore the limitations of international tribunals and examine complementary and alternative mechanisms. Using the landmark "Foca case' as an illustration, the author explains that although women may still exercise agency in the context of the adversarial process, their ability to do so is stunted. Moreover, I argue that, although witnesses may actively resist the legal meta-narrative of Woman Victim, adversarial processes serve to reinforce gender essentialism and cultural essentialism. This analysis has important implications for women human rights advocates seeking to bring cases before all international courts, including the permanent International Criminal Court. 相似文献