'Our struggles are bigger than the World Cup': civic activism, state-society relations and the socio-political legacies of the 2010 FIFA World Cup

South Africa's hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup saw a large number of public demonstrations, strikes and other forms of civic campaigning. World Cup activism was both preceded and followed by extensive and intensifying public unrest and industrial action that in the period before the tournament, threatened to derail the event. This paper assesses the motivations, forms and implications of the activism during South Africa's staging of the FIFA finals and interprets them against the larger context of shifting state-society relations in the country. There are two purposes to the analysis. First, to explore the underlying internal social forces that gave shape to the protests at the time, and the possible influence of the exogenous politics of mega-event social mobilization. Second, the implications and outcomes of these dynamics for longer term socio-political processes in the country are considered. The activism displayed many of the features of the politics of contestation of sport mega-events today. Importantly, however, the activism stemmed from a particular systemic dynamic and reflected changing relations in the post-apartheid political community. Therefore, while the World Cup was used as a strategic opportunity by many advocacy groups, it was one that rather fleetingly and ambivalently presented an additional platform to such groups in an otherwise on-going set of political battles. Rather than a strong case study of sport's transformative capacity, the civic campaigning during South Africa's World Cup demonstrates the way a sport mega-event can be used as a strategic entry point by civil society groups in their engagement with the state, although this can occur with greater or lesser success.     

The effect of strikes on shareholder returns

Relationships between labor disputes and shareholder wealth are examined through analysis of 91 strikes between 1951 and 1973. Stock market reactions to strikes of different durations are analyzed through a market model methodology. Different market adjustments are found for short, intermediate, and long duration strikes. Shareholder returns prior to strikes are below market returns for firms in the short strike category, approximately equal to the market returns for firms in the short strike category, approximately equal to the market for firms in the intermediate strike duration category, and above the market for firms in the long strike category. After strikes, shareholder returns decline for firms in the short and long strike duration categories.     

Strike Lengths: Correcting for Prestrike Announcements and the Ratio of Bargaining Size to Firm Size

Anticipating the duration of a labor strike can be vital for both sides of the dispute, as well as outside observers. The methods of a pair of studies using Canadian data are surveyed to analyze labor strikes in the United States from 1992 to 2008. Corrections are made for strikes with predetermined lengths (“one-day” strikes and the like), whose durations are more a function of the prior announcements than of other factors, such as number of employees striking and macroeconomic conditions. Strikes are found to be generally shorter when the striking unit represents a larger portion of the firm’s total workers, a proxy for its bargaining power. This ratio provides a better understanding of the strike dynamics (including expected length) than do sheer bargaining unit size or sheer firm size.     

AFTER TAFT-HARTLEY: The Legal-Institutional Context of U.S. Strike Activity, 1948 to 1980

This article examines how the legal-institutional context created by American labor law has impacted the frequency, issue composition, and economic damage of strike activity since the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act. Emphasis on the legal-institutional context complements conventional perspectives of strike activity which focus on business cycle and political-organizational interpretations. A new labor law index is developed to measure the legal-institutional context, and it is comprised of five components: number of pro-labor laws, National Labor Relations Board unfair labor cases filed, use of antilabor injunctions, labor mediation, and labor arbitration. For the period of 1948 to 1980, high values on the labor law index reduced overall strike frequency, reduced some types of control-related strikes, had no effect on economic strikes, and decreased working time lost to strikes, especially in the monopoly sector. These findings suggest that the legal-institutional context of the post-Taft-Hartley period has served to regulate and delegitimize expressions of labor unrest that most seriously challenge capitalist interests.     

Social mobilizations and the question of social justice in contemporary Russia

ABSTRACT

Notwithstanding stereotypes of Russian apathy, long-term field research reveals that there have always been grassroots and labour protests in post-Soviet Russia, even as the shock of ultraliberal reforms led to mass precariousness and social disorientation. However, the social mobilizations that do occur are scattered, weakly publicized and mostly small-scale. This paper conceptualizes them as ‘everyday activism’, that is, an activism embedded in everyday life experience and pragmatic sense. Only recently, and in a paradoxical relation to the populist and patriotic Kremlin discourse, some new trends have emerged towards other popular variants of the new discourse that includes social equality claims and what the paper calls ‘social critical’ populism. However, this populism from below does not automatically lead to mass mobilization, although it provides the necessary background for it.     

ON LABOR'S RIGHT TO STRIKE

This paper first shows that, under certain conditions, strikes benefit capital at the expense of union labor in the aggregate. It is then argued that observed variations in strikes and labor's right to strike are largely explainable by variations in the profitability of strikes to capital and not explainable by popular alternative hypotheses purporting to explain the existence of strikes. Finally, an explanation is offered for the persistence of labor's right to strike over time and across various political systems.     

The Costs of Thinking About Work and Family: Mental Labor,Work–Family Spillover,and Gender Inequality Among Parents in Dual‐Earner Families

One of the aspects unaccounted for in previous assessments of employed parents ‘distribution of time is the mental dimension of tasks and demands. This aspect, referred to as mental labor, is conceptualized as the planning, organization, and management of everyday activities. Using the experience sampling method, a unique form of time diary, and survey data from the 500 Family Study (N = 402 mothers with 16,451 signals and 291 fathers with 11,322 signals), this study examined the prevalence, context, and emotional correlates of mental labor among parents in dual‐earner families. Results show that fathers reported thinking more frequently about job‐related matters than mothers but these concerns did not spill over into unpaid work. By contrast, mothers’ job‐related thoughts tended to spill over into unpaid work and free‐time activities. When engaging in mental labor, mothers and fathers were equally likely to think about family matters, but these thoughts were only detrimental to emotional well‐being in mothers. Among both mothers and fathers, paid work was relatively insulated from thoughts about family matters. Overall, findings highlight mothers’ double burden and suggest that mental labor may contribute to mothers’ emotional stress and gender inequality among dual‐earner families.     

“Who else is gonna do it if we don't?” Gender,education, and the crisis of care in the 2018 West Virginia teachers' strike

In 2018, a sequence of powerful education strikes and work stoppages across the United States sent shock waves through the country's public education system. This eruption of collective workers' organization was strongly led by women teachers responding to the current crisis of care, demanding resources, dignity, and justice for themselves, the children they teach, and their communities. While mainstream reports often represent these actions as traditional labor and/or feminist struggles, our research demonstrates that they were sites of more nuanced response to “care extraction” in education, and for understanding how constructions of gender and gender injustice both gave rise to the strikes and shaped their unfolding. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 10 teacher-activists who participated in the West Virginia strikes, we examine how teachers' labor is being transformed in a context of postindustrial austerity, illustrate the complex political identity of the strike actions, and explore the relationship between specific constructions of gendered labor and collective organizing in US public education today.     

Export Performance,Labor Standards and Institutions: Evidence from a Dynamic Panel Data Model

I investigate the role of labor standards in international trade. While the literature has used many different measures of labor standards, I use two: the rate of work injuries and the rate of strikes and lockouts — allowing me to construct both measures for 112 countries from 1980 until 2004. This allows dynamic panel data methods to be used in estimation. Three measures of the quality of institutions are also used for the same period: the number of years the chief executive is in office, the concentration of a country’s legislature measured by the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, and whether the legislature is controlled by a party representing a special interest. The results show that countries with better labor standards and institutions do trade more — their exports to GDP ratio is higher.     

Party activism: the permeability of the asylum protest arena in Austria

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to the growing field of studies on party–protest linkages that highlight the dynamic nature, complementarity and fuzziness of the parliamentary arena and protest arena. Taking the policy field of asylum, it investigates, first, the conditions for the permeability of the protest arena for party activism and, second, the ways in which party activism shapes and transforms the protest arena. The empirical observations refer to Austria, which has a political framework with highly politicized immigration, strong political parties and a weak protest culture. Methodologically, the paper combines a protest event analysis with two in–depth case studies on protests. The authors argue that the openness of the asylum protest arena for parties is characterized by modest protest demands, and depends on the dominant political position as well as the decision making structure regarding the protest issue. The article demonstrates that pro-asylum protests are less open to political parties than anti-asylum protests, which are in tune with the dominant political position on asylum in Austria. The findings also show that anti–asylum protests are not only more likely to attract the involvement of political parties, but also tend to become instrumentalized for party–competitive ends. Pro–asylum protests, in contrast, keep their substantive, grievance–focused orientation even when political parties step in.     

中东局势动荡及其对中阿经贸关系的影响

自2010年年底突尼斯政局发生变化后,一股群众抗议示威浪潮随即席卷阿拉伯世界,东起巴林,西至摩洛哥,鲜有未被波及者,其声势之大,为中东地区历史所罕见。总的来看,中东地区动荡高峰期已过,但政治诉求不断,内部矛盾纷呈,外界干预有增无减。虽然中东剧变对中阿经贸合作造成一定影响,但对于未来应充满信心。中阿双方对于彼此间的经贸交流都有需求,肯定还会持续发展,这对中国企业而言,应是需要牢牢把握的战略良机。     

The changing character of strikes involving permanent striker replacements, 1935–1990

Using NLRB cases reporting hiring of striker replacements, I provide a longitudinal analysis of 165 strikes from 1935–1990. Strikes since 1981 most closely resembled strikes occurring from 1938–1947: They lasted longer and involved more strikers and more replacements than strikes in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. Interestingly, NLRB disposition of employer unfair labor practice charges remained fairly constant throughout the 55 years analyzed and overwhelmingly favored unions. Although my findings are preliminary, they suggest that more empirical analysis of replacement strikes is warranted. I also suggest how some existing strike models can be readily adapted to explain replacement strike phenomena. I thank Stephanie Mason and Brian Dilley for their research assistance and an anonymous referee for insightful suggestions.     

The determinants of strikes over time and across industries

This paper presents a pooled time-series, cross-section analysis of strike activity across 27 major industry groups over the years 1970–1980. While numerous studies have analyzed the time-series behavior of strike activity and fewer studies have analyzed the cross-sectional pattern of strikes, little work has been done to combine both perspectives into one empirical analysis. This paper improves on this by incorporating variables into one regression model that is capable of explaining both dimensions of the variation in strike activity. The regression results suggest that strikes over time and across industries are affected by a wide range of economic, organizational, institutional, occupational, demographic, market structure, political, and other variables.     

Negotiating Partial Citizenship under Neoliberalism: Regularization Struggles among Filipino Domestic Workers in France (2008–2012)

This article examines the social and historical conditions of negotiations for expanding migrant domestic workers partial citizenship under neoliberal policies. It uses a case study of Filipino domestic workers struggling for regularization in the Parisian region, 2008–2012. Under Sarkozy's neoliberal immigration policy called chosen immigration, Hortefeux, the then Minister of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Cooperative Development, authorized case-by-case “regularization based on work” in his circular of 7 January 2008. Consequently, led by a coalition of trade unions, sans papiers (undocumented) collectives and migrant support groups, large-scale mobilizations occurred demanding rights-based regularization. Although undocumented Filipino domestic workers remained socially invisible during this campaign, a quiet, small-scale but unprecedented mobilization took place among Filipino sans papières. Based on 10 months of fieldwork, this article shows how the neoliberal tendency in the two policy areas of immigration and personal services opened up the opportunity for Filipino migrant women to have access to the institutional resources of the Private Household Workers (PHW) trade union and to break the deadlock of “double irregularity”, that is, the dispossession of both their residential permit and labor contract. This case depended on the activism of a trade unionist of Filipino origin, a trailblazer who filled the structural hole between Filipino ethnic networks and the local domestic workers’ movement. Among the outcomes are the rising consciousness among Filipinos of the usefulness of learning French, as well as a new narrative that incorporates the struggles of Filipino domestic workers in the PHW trade union history.     

AN EXPRESSIVE VOTING THEORY OF STRIKES

Union members may vote for a strike even if they do not expect to thereby increase their wages. For under majority voting any one member's vote for a strike is unlikely to be decisive. A union member who obtains a non-infinitesimal emotional benefit from the act of voting for a strike may therefore vote in its favor. This hypothesis can explain the existence of strikes and the conditions which make strikes especially likely.     

Strike activity in the united states: An analysis of the stocks and flows

Evidence indicates that a dichotomy exists between the stocks and flows of strike activity in the United States. Canonical correlation analysis was applied to U.S. strike data from 1955 through 1980 to ascertain whether the economic or sociopolitical models of strikes were more appropriate to the explanation of either the stock or flow of strikes. The economic variables were the most important in explaining variations in the flow while the linear time trend together with the economic variables explained the variations in the stock of strikes. This suggests that strikes begin for economic reasons and that the dimensions of the stock of strikes may be more closely correlated with variables not used in the analysis but exhibit a trend over the period examined, hence a dichotomy between the flow and stock of strike activity.     

Retirement and Productive Activity in Later Life

It is commonly believed that as people age and leave the labor force, they disengage from productive activity and become dependent. While consistent with the conventional economic view of what constitutes productive activity, this belief is inconsistent with a more contemporary view that unpaid work (domestic, volunteer, and caring work) is equally economically valuable (i.e., productive). We investigate differences in how people allocate time among productive and other activities pre- and post-retirement. Results indicate that people remain engaged in productive activities even as they move out of the labor force, substituting unpaid for paid work. Only respondents who have exceeded their normal life expectancy greatly reduce their productive activity. Evidence suggests a need to revisit assumptions underlying policy debate on population aging.

Unemployment insurance and strikes

In several states workers who are unemployed because of a labor dispute can collect unemployment benefits. Due to imperfect experience rating, such policies can create a public subsidy to strikes. This study examines whether these policies affect strike activity. In particular, both cross-sectional and fixed effects models are employed to test whether an increase in the public subsidy inherent in unemployment insurance leads to an increase in strike frequency. This research was in part supported through a grant from the W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. We thank Dan Lovallo and Yoshio Okunishi for excellent research assistance.     

‘Little children are not for dad's?’ Challenging and undoing hegemonic masculinity

Studies on work and organizations state that traditional gendered cultures support hegemonic masculinity and obstruct an engaged form of ‘new’ fathering. Not only do employers hinder fathers in sharing equally in childcare, but the dynamics within the couple also matter. An examination of the negotiations within couples regarding paid and unpaid work reveals the need to revise conceptualizations of masculinity, with a focus on undoing masculinity. Based on in‐depth interviews with couples in Germany, I argue that social change at the interactional level encompasses at least the possibility that gender, as a resource of the differentiation and hierarchization of masculinities and femininities within the realm of paid and unpaid labour, can be fragile or can even be episodically undone. Hence, more empirical and theoretical work within and beyond the context of fathering is crucial to further theoretical approaches to undoing masculinity.