SPATIAL MISMATCH AND RACE DIFFERENTIALS IN MALE JOBLESSNESS: Cleveland and Milwaukee, 1990

We evaluate the relationship between job proximity and male joblessness at the neighborhood level in Cleveland and Milwaukee. Using two tract-level measures of proximity to employment (i.e., physical distance and commute time), we find mixed evidence for the spatial mismatch hypothesis. As expected, we find that predominantly black neighborhoods in both cities have higher rates of male joblessness. However, contrary to the spatial mismatch hypothesis, we find that these neighborhoods are also physically closer to low-skill jobs than are predominantly white neighborhoods. In addition, predominantly black neighborhoods have higher average commute times, suggesting that spatial isolation from employment may be better characterized along a temporal rather than a physical dimension.     

CRIME,ART AND PUBLIC CULTURE

Jane Alexander's ‘Security’ was installed at the 2009 Joburg Art Fair as a Special Project. This essay investigates notions of being guarded and fenced-in, which are implicit in this piece, in an attempt to breathe new life into a space that has all too easily been blanketed as a new form of ‘apartheid’ in contemporary South Africa. Rather, I suggest, what ‘Security’ allowed its publics to experience was a complex process of working through the everyday ingredients of the post-apartheid, and so to realize new connections between strangers. I argue that this work, at this time, probes at the nexus of a private–public sphere that allows for a real-time grappling with issues of a private nature in the public. The essay further positions this work in relation to some others by Alexander in an attempt to more fully grasp what ‘Security’ says about the present moment. Finally, the Joburg Art Fair is investigated as a setting richly suggestive of this moment in South Africa that simultaneously projects, and allows for, ambivalence in its art publics.     

DOMINANCE, GHETTOS, AND VIOLENT CRIME

Across the minor communities that comprise the heart of our larger corporal communities, the problem of violent crime expresses itself in characteristically different ways. All violent crime is a by-product of the struggle for domination that occurs in one form or another among all types of people in every type of minor community. However, the predominant individual type that inhabits a minor community varies along with a minor community's prevailing norm for settling dominance disputes and, in turn, the severity of its violent crime problem. In malignant minor communities, the ultraviolent and violent people are the predominant individual types, the prevailing norm for settling disputes over dominance is the proverbial tooth and claw and violent crime is rampant. In civil minor communities, the predominant individual types are the marginally violent person and pacifist; the prevailing norm for settling dominance disputes involves a variety of nonviolent tactics; and violent crimes are a rarity. In turbulent minor communities, there is neither a predominant individual type nor a prevailing norm for resolving dominance disputes, so violent crime is a smaller problem than in malignant minor communities, but still a much bigger one than in civil ones.     

CONCENTRATED POVERTY, RACE, AND HOMICIDE

Research on the link between levels of poverty and homicide in urban areas has persistently reported the existence of a relationship for whites but not for blacks. This is despite the fact that most analysts expect that the higher levels of urban black homicide are due in part to the higher levels of urban black poverty. The present research introduces a more meaningful, spatially based measure of concentrated poverty and argues that the effect of concentrated poverty on homicide rates should be the same for both racial groups. The hypotheses are tested with race-disaggregated data for a sample of central cities circa 1990. The results suggest that, when poverty is measured as a linear spatially based phenomenon, in is a more important determinat of race-specific homicide rates than overall city levels of disadvantage and that the concentration of poverty increases both black and white homicide rather equally.     

RACE, CLASS, AND OPPORTUNITY: CHANGING REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS

Michael Hout provided empirical validation of the part of William J. Wilson's controversial 1978 claim concerning the increased influence of class on social mobility but not of his claim that the influence of race became less important than that of class. Anomia/despair as an indication of Americans'perceptions of life chances in 1973, 1976, 1980 and 1984 is used in this article. The findings show no agreement between perception and reality (that Wilson described) on the declining influence of race and the increasing influence of class. In addition, Wilson's dominant theme of deteriorating conditions for lower-class blacks and continuing progress for upper-class blacks was contrary to the data on perception. Barriers to continued mobility faced by more successful blacks is given as a possible explanation of the discrepancy between black mobility and black perception of life chances.     

RACE AND IMPRISONMENT DECISIONS

The possible race differences in judicial sentencing have been of long-standing interest to social scientists. We argue, however, that prior research on the issue either uses crude measures of offense severity and prior record, or, if more precise measures are employed, is limited to one or a few offenses. The Pennsylvania guidelines sentencing data used in this report allow a more rigorous test of the racial hypothesis since they include detailed information on these two most important legal variables, on other variables for statistical controls, and on a fairly comprehensive list of common law offenses, with an adequate sample size. The data—analyzed with both additive and interaction models—reveal that race (net of other factors) has a small effect on judicial decision-making as it pertains to the likelihood of incarceration but has negligible effect on the length of imprisonment decision. The small race effect at the in/out decision is accounted for by dispositional departures in sentencing that favor white defendants. Offense severity is overwhelmingly the major factor influencing judicial sentencing, followed at some distance by prior record. At the end of the report, we discuss the implications of our findings for research on sentencing and for policies aimed at reducing the high incarceration rate of black males.     

COMBAT EXPOSURE,CIGARETTE CONSUMPTION,AND SUBSTANCE USE

This study estimates the relationship between combat exposure and several risky health behaviors: cigarette consumption, binge drinking, and drug use. We find that the U.S. active duty military personnel deployed to combat zones with enemy firefight are more likely to subsequently smoke cigarettes, consume alcohol, and use illicit drugs than their counterparts deployed to noncombat operations. Our results suggest that the mental health effects of combat can explain up to two‐thirds of the estimated association between combat exposure and risky health behaviors. (JEL H56, I12)     

RACE AND CHARITABLE CHURCH ACTIVITY

The availability of public funding for charitable church activity has increased dramatically in recent years. A key dispute over this increase is whether congregations’ propensity to provide charitable services depends upon the local community’s racial composition. Using three congregation‐level data sets, this article investigates how race affects charitable church activity. Each data set indicates that all‐white congregations become less charitably active as the share of black residents in the community grows. This response is found only for charitable activities and not for other activities. Additionally, all‐white congregations favorably disposed toward receiving government funding respond no differently to black residents than do not‐all‐white congregations. (JEL H41, J15, Z12)     

CIVIL ASSET FORFEITURE,CRIME, AND POLICE INCENTIVES: EVIDENCE FROM THE COMPREHENSIVE CRIME CONTROL ACT OF 1984

The 1984 federal Comprehensive Crime Control Act (CCCA) included a provision that permitted local law enforcement agencies to acquire up to 80% of the proceeds derived from civil asset forfeitures obtained in joint operations with federal authorities. We investigate how this rule governing forfeited assets influenced crime and police incentives by taking advantage of pre‐existing differences in state‐level civil asset forfeiture law and the timing of the CCCA. We find that after the CCCA was enacted crime fell about 17% in places where the federal law allowed police to retain more of their seized assets than state law previously allowed. (JEL K42, K15, H76)     

MORAL PANICS, THE MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX, AND THE ARMS RACE

This study argues that the generalized fear of the Soviet threat was punctuated by moral panics that provided a signal impetus to the arms race. The growth of the American nuclear arsenal came in three large waves (the Truman. the Eisenhower/Kennedy/McNamara, and the Reagan buildups), the result of panics unleashed by startling and spectacular Soviet challenges to American nuclear hegemony (the Soviet atomic bomb, the Sputnik/Cuban missile crisis, and the window of vulnerability, respectively). The initial panics were instrumental in overcoming the fiscal constraints imposed on the military by the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, creating conditions conducive to the ascendency of a military-industrial complex. More specifically, the timing of the panics was determined by authentic surges of fear that in turn provided the political leverage for large-scale nuclear buildups. The direction taken by the panics, however, was determined by the creation and dramatization of an elective affinity between nuclear supremacy and both national security and the sanctity of the American way of life. In contrast with these panics, most efforts to mobilize fear by creating the perception of gaps in the Soviet favor failed.     

JOB INSECURITY,STRESS AND GENDER

This study examined the complex relationships between gender, job insecurity and job-related stress. Previous findings have suggested that men experience greater job insecurity than women, and are more vulnerable to job-related stress. The current study tested the hypothesis that the gender ideology of employees moderates the effect of gender on job insecurity and stress. Data were obtained by questionnaires from a sample of 203 married employees. The results showed that traditional men experience greater job insecurity than traditional women. However, as hypothesized, egalitarian men and women exhibited similar degrees of job insecurity. Furthermore, job insecurity in traditional men and in egalitarian men and women was related to loss of control stress, financial stress and stress expressions at home, whereas traditional women were relatively protected from job-related stress. These findings illuminate the important moderating role played by gender ideology in the relationships between gender, job insecurity and stress.     

ABORTION AND CRIME: UNWANTED CHILDREN AND OUT-OF-WEDLOCK BIRTHS

Legalizing abortion can either increase or decrease investments in children's human capital. This article finds that abortion increases the number of out-of-wedlock births. Using data that more directly links the criminal with age when the crime was committed, not age when arrested, and fixing the assumption in previous research that no abortions took place prior to the Roe v. Wade decision in the 45 states affected by that decision, we find consistent significant evidence that legalizing abortions increased murders by over 7%. Linear estimates indicate that legalization increased total annual victimization costs by at least $3.2 billion. ( JEL K42, K14, J24)     

INTIMACY,QUEERNESS, RACE

‘What do we see when we look at ourselves?’ asked South African visual activist/artist Zanele Muholi in her 2006 photographic collection Only Half the Picture. The question, a deeply challenging introspection, required black women in particular to reflect on the ways in which history has made us not look at ourselves, but be looked at. The images Muholi presented were viewed as both troubling and liberating. This article, using a queer framework, is concerned with recoding the ways in which black women's bodies and female sexuality have been represented in post-colonial contexts. Using Zanele Muholi's photography, the article opens possibilities for claiming an erotic position for the black female's ‘queer’ body. This is further complicated by racial dynamics. The article argues that such representations work against painful colonial histories of black female torture while also desexualizing the black female.     

HIGH SCHOOLS AND CRIME: A REPLICATION

Using Cleveland data, we replicate Roncek and LoBosco's study of the effect of proximity to San Diego's high schools on crime in their surroundings. We also examine a major alternative hypothesis whether having other non-residential land uses in the schools' surroundings accounts for crime in these areas. Our findings closely parallel theirs. Proximity to public high schools only increases crime on city blocks which are immediately adjacent to the schools. Second, the size of a school's enrollment is not important for explaining crime in its surroundings. The analysis of non-residential effects supports Roncek and LoBosco's claim that crime effects are due solely to the presence of public high schools, although other land uses affect crime near private high schools. While there are differences in the exact magnitudes of the effects, the substance of their findings for San Diego generalizes well to a very different city. More generally, we argue that Wirth's early arguments about the effect of urbanism on impeding social control can be extended to the residential areas within the city.     

EDWIN CHADWICK AND THE ECONOMICS OF CRIME

"⃛Among all the administrative questions which you have touched (and they are both numerous and of the highest importance), there is hardly one on which you have not originated thoughts and suggestions of the greatest value ⃛"     

WOMEN AND CRIME: AN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS

This paper analyzes the determinants of female participation in criminal activities through the use of an economic model of crime. The model is tested empirically on 1970 state data on female arrests and the results are generally consistent with the theoretical predictions. The major findings are that the probability of arrest and the probability of conviction have significant deterrent effects on female property crime, the labor force participation rate of married women has no effect and the average number of preschool children in husband-wife families has a negative and significant effect. The decrease in the average number of preschool children per husband-wife family that took place between 1960 and 1970 is shown to have accounted for more than half of the increase in female property crime that occurred during that decade .     

SMOKE-FREE AIR LAWS, CIGARETTE PRICES, AND ADULT CIGARETTE DEMAND

This article examines the impact of cigarette prices and smoke-free air laws on adult smoking. Probit methods and a generalized linear model with log-link and Gaussian distribution are employed to model adult smoking propensity and intensity, respectively. After controlling for unobserved state-level heterogeneity, which can influence both tobacco policy and smoking behavior, the estimates from this study imply that an inverse relationship exists between cigarette prices and both smoking prevalence and average cigarette consumption by adult smokers. The estimates also imply that more restrictive smoke-free air laws decrease average smoking by adult smokers but have little impact on prevalence. (JEL I18 )     

RACE PREJUDICE AND RACISM: A DISTINCTION

Jusqu'à tout récemment, les auteurs n'essayaient pas de clarifier la difference entre les notions de racisme et de préjudice racial. Les deux expressions sont souvent interchangées. Comme l'ont indiqué certains critiques, les idées de racisme et de préjudice racial ne sont pas les mêmes. Afin de distinguer entre ces deux topiques, l'hypothèse qu'il n'existe pas de relation entre les mesures empiriques des deux idées a été mise a l'épreuve. On s'est servi de mesures autonomes pour définir enfin la dimension affective concernant l'attitude du préjudice racial. Les conclusions suggèrent que les deux idées ne sont pas étroitement reliées quand elles sont mesurées par des questions-type Likert. Toutefois, ces mêmes idées sont étroitement reliées quand elles sont mesurées par des indicateurs autonomes d'éveillement affectif.
Until recently authors have made little attempt at clarifying the differences between the concepts of racism and race prejudice. The two terms have often been used interchangeably. As a few contemporary critics have pointed out, the concepts of racism and race prejudice may not be the same. In order to distinguish between racism and race prejudice, the hypothesis that there is no relationship between empirical measures of the two concepts was tested. Autonomic measures were used to operationally define the affective dimension of the attitude: race prejudice. Findings suggest that the two concepts are not closely associated when measured by Likert-type questions, but closely associated when measured by autonomic indicators of affective arousal.     

DEVELOPMENT AND CRIME: A Cross-National, Time-Series Analysis of Competing Models

Current cross-national research indicates that economic development affects crime rates. Two competing models, the Durkheimian and opportunity, claim to explain this relationship. However, the research evaluating their adequacy is flawed. It attempts to assess the effects of change using cross-sectional designs and variables that measure level of, rather than actual change in, economic development.
This study evaluates these competing explanatory models by analyzing the effects of level of development and rate of growth on crime rates. The findings indicate that both affect the rate and type of crime in ways that refute the Durkheimian and only offer qualified support for the opportunity model. A pooled time-series, cross-sectional analysis that controls for possible spurious factors reveals interesting nonlinear effects that allow further specification of the crime and development relationship.