中国育龄妇女的生育意愿研究

文章根据中国最近的生育意愿调查,分析了不同地区育龄妇女的生育意愿。各种调查比较一致地显示,中国育龄妇女的理想子女数大多是两个孩子。在经济发展较快、社会保障体制相对完善、城市化进程较快的东部地区,农村居民的生育意愿与城市居民接近;即使在生育意愿最高的西部农村地区,也仅有少数妇女有多子女偏好。生育意愿的差距已经缩小到仅仅是一孩和二孩的差别。强烈的性别偏好已成为影响生育行为的主要因素。     

独生子女和非独生子女生育意愿差异的比较研究——基于江苏省生育意愿和生育行为调查

根据“江苏省生育意愿和生育行为”基线调查数据,本文使用交叉分析,多元线性回归等方法,探讨独生子女和非独生子女生育意愿的差异。结果表明,在意愿生育数量、意愿生育性别和意愿生育时间方面独生子女和非独生子女没有显著差异。     

我国城乡居民生育意愿调查研究综述:2000-2008

通过对2000~2008年国内有关生育意愿的调查资料和研究文献分析,对我国城乡居民的生育意愿现状、差异及变化特征进行概括。城乡居民意愿生育子女数的差异逐渐缩小,但意愿生育性别的差异仍然显著;城市青年的生育意愿渐趋一致,独生子女与非独生子女的生育意愿差异不显著;外出流动对生育意愿与生育行为的影响较大,无论是生育意愿,还是生育行为,外出流动人口都更接近于目的地城市人口;生育年龄呈继续后移趋势;生育成本增高已成为生育意愿下降的主要原因。     

"单独二孩"与"全面二孩"政策家庭生育意愿比较及启示

生育意愿是影响实际生育水平的超前变量,为预测生育水平提供重要参数.通过对山东省符合"单独二孩"政策和"全面二孩"政策家庭的大样本生育意愿调查,结果显示,两类政策家庭的二孩生育意愿和理想子女数基本相同,且愿意生育二孩的主观因素、地区差异及户口性质、文化程度、现有1孩性别等对两类家庭生育意愿的影响是类似的;生育安排、不愿意生育的主观因素、属相偏好等则存在显著差异.二元Logistic回归模型模拟结果表明:现有1孩性别、年龄、地区因素、主观因素等对两类家庭二孩生育意愿均具有显著的影响;"全面二孩"政策家庭更主要从一个孩子的风险性方面考虑二孩生育,"单独二孩"政策家庭则更多从自身养老和精神需求的角度做出二孩生育选择.     

三孩政策下城乡居民生育意愿北大核心CSSCI

针对当前高度复杂和不确定的生育环境,我国采取了渐进式的生育政策调整策略,从取消生育间隔限制到实行单独二孩、全面二孩政策,再到实施三孩政策,满足了不同人群多样化的生育需求。三孩政策下人们的二孩和三孩生育意愿及影响因素的差异是以往调查和研究未能涉及的。因此本文基于湖北省125个区县12014个家庭生育意愿调查数据对城乡居民二孩、三孩生育意愿及影响因素进行研究,发现三孩政策覆盖下的家庭中,二孩家庭占比已超过四成。一孩、二孩家庭的平均理想子女数分别为1.57和2.07。随着育龄妇女年龄的增长,一孩家庭二孩生育意愿和二孩家庭三孩生育意愿均在快速下降。25岁以下育龄妇女家庭的二孩生育意愿比例农村和城市分别为25.36%和18.75%。居民二孩生育意愿和三孩生育意愿的影响因素也存在明显差异。随着育龄妇女受教育程度的提升,城乡居民二孩生育意愿趋于收敛,三孩生育意愿差距在扩大。家庭社会经济地位和地区经济发展水平对生育意愿的影响存在一种悖论关系。对于二孩生育意愿,在一个区域内,社会经济地位越高的群体报告的二孩生育意愿越高,但进行跨区域比较发现经济发展水平越高的地区,居住在其中的家庭二孩生育意愿越低。     

中国妇女生育意愿与生育行为的差异及其影响因素

生育行为与生育意愿背离现象广泛存在。在发达国家,普遍的情况是实际生育率大大低于意愿生育率。发展中国家同样出现了生育行为与生育意愿背离的现象,但更多呈现出与发达国家相反的规律。中国也出现了生育行为与生育意愿背离,且实际高于意愿的情况。根据中国2001年全国生殖健康调查,基本完成生育的40~49岁妇女,其平均理想子女数为1.8,而平均实际生育子女数为2.2。利用2001年全国生殖健康调查数据,考察中国妇女生育行为与生育意愿背离的特征和影响因素,并考察个体背景(个人特征和社会经济背景)、生育政策和生育孩子情况(包括孩子的性别结构和存活状况)对生育意愿与生育行为的差异产生的影响。结果表明,这些因素都对生育意愿与生育行为的差异产生显著影响,但性别偏好是造成生育行为大于生育意愿的主要因素。     

香港育龄妇女的生育意愿

香港与中国内地有着千丝万缕的联系,同时又受到西方文化的侵袭和影响。在这样的条件下,香港育龄妇女生育意愿的状况如何呢?这是一个饶有趣味而又未有人问津的问题。育龄妇女的生育意愿主要反映在她们心目中的理想子女数和孩子的性别喜     

南京市青年生育意愿调查分析

本文基于问卷调查资料,对南京市青年的理想子女数、性别偏好和预期生育年龄进行了定量分析,并对不同特征人群的生育意愿进行对比研究。结果表明,南京市青年多数不存在明显的生育性别偏好,少生晚生已成为其自觉自愿的选择。     

重庆市居民生育意愿调查分析

本文通过问卷调查对重庆市居民的生育意愿进行了定量分析,对不同特征人群的生育意愿,包括理想生育子女数量、子女性别偏好、理想最佳生育年龄和生育目的四个维度进行了比较研究。文章在分析重庆市居民生育意愿的现状及其影响因素的基础上,提出了倡导正确生育观及促进人口发展的政策建议。     

生育意愿:是确定值还是区间

本文以2015年先后在北京和天津开展的"居民生育意愿和行为研究"为例,探讨个体生育意愿存在区间范围的现象.研究证实,在数量方面,两成以上的人计划生育1到2个孩子,后来由于种种原因生育了1个或者2个.在性别方面,"儿女双全"是大多数人的美好愿望,但是可能仅有不到一成的人会为了实现"儿女双全"而坚持生育两个孩子.有性别偏好并不意味着就会人为选择子女性别,只有拥有强烈性别偏好的人群规模才会与出生性别比升高密切相关.在年龄方面,实际生育子女的年龄在理想生育年龄3岁左右的范围内,都被认为是满意的.充分认识到个体生育意愿并不是一个确定值而是存在一个区间范围,这对于生育水平的预测具有重要的认识论和方法论意义.     

农村外出妇女的生育意愿分析——基于鄂州、黄石、仙桃三地数据

本文利用2009年2月在鄂州、黄石、仙桃农村外出和未外出育龄妇女的调查数据,通过列联分析和logistic二元回归分析,从四个方面分别考察了外出与未外出育龄妇女生育意愿的关系及其影响因素。结果发现．育龄妇女的意愿子女数主要受其年龄、受教育程度、职业状况等个人特征的影响,外出过的妇女的意愿子女数要显著少于未外出过的妇女,这种差异主要是由于外出妇女与未外出妇女本身的结构差异所引起的,外出本身对育龄妇女的意愿子女数并没有显著作用;在生育目的上,外出与未外出妇女存在显著性差异,外出能弱化传统思想在妇女生育动机中的作用;在意愿生育性别和意愿生育时间这两个方面外出和未外出妇女没有显著性的差异。     

Long-term effects of childbearing on mortality: Evidence from pre-industrial Sweden

This paper presents an analysis of the impact of childbearing history on later-life mortality for ever-married men and women using historical micro-level data of high quality for southern Sweden. The analysis uses a Cox proportional hazards model, estimating the effects on old-age mortality of number of births and timing of first and last births. By studying the effects of previous childbearing on mortality by sex and social status, we also gain important insights into the mechanisms relating childbearing to mortality in old age. The results show that number of children ever born had a statistically significant negative impact on longevity after age 50 for females but not for males. Analysis by social group shows that only landless women experienced higher mortality from having more children, which seems to indicate that the main explanations are to be found in social or economic conditions specific to females, rather than in the strictly biological or physiological effects of childbearing.     

Long-term effects of childbearing on mortality: evidence from pre-industrial Sweden

This paper presents an analysis of the impact of childbearing history on later-life mortality for ever-married men and women using historical micro-level data of high quality for southern Sweden. The analysis uses a Cox proportional hazards model, estimating the effects on old-age mortality of number of births and timing of first and last births. By studying the effects of previous childbearing on mortality by sex and social status, we also gain important insights into the mechanisms relating childbearing to mortality in old age. The results show that number of children ever born had a statistically significant negative impact on longevity after age 50 for females but not for males. Analysis by social group shows that only landless women experienced higher mortality from having more children, which seems to indicate that the main explanations are to be found in social or economic conditions specific to females, rather than in the strictly biological or physiological effects of childbearing.     

河南省居民生育意愿现状分析

本文利用2007年社情民意问卷调查数据,对河南省居民的生育意愿进行了定量分析,从意愿生育数量、意愿生育性别和生育目的三个纬度进行了比较研究。文章在分析河南省居民生育意愿的现状及影响因素的基础上,提出了降低河南省出生性别比的政策建议。     

流动人口的生育意愿及其变迁——以广州市流动人口为例

根据“广州市流动人口的调查问卷”数据,采用定量分析方法,阐述了流动人口的生育意愿现状,包括意愿子女数、意愿性别偏好、意愿生育时间及其在年龄、性别、婚姻状况的差异。在此基础上,探讨流动人口生育意愿的变迁,揭示出生育意愿的变迁主要取决于与城市文明的融入程度及变迁方向。     

广东人口生育意愿的现状分析

本文利用广东省人口和计划生育委员会与中山大学人口研究所2004年10月进行的"广东省人口生育意愿研究"的抽样调查数据,从意愿生育数量、意愿生育性别和生育目的三个方面介绍广东人口的生育意愿,为降低广东省出生性别比提供一定的现实依据.     

Another Child? Fertility Ideals,Resources and Opportunities

Low fertility in most developed countries has prompted policy concern in relation to labour market supply, pensions, and expenditure on health and welfare services as well as policy debate about both the cost of children and the opportunity costs of parenthood. The extent to which family policy interventions can be effective in slowing or reversing fertility decline is much debated. This paper, based on a fertility module of the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2005, examines the current fertility, and ideal and expected fertility of a nationally representative sample of 455 parents of reproductive age and focuses on whether they plan to have another child. It compares the characteristics of those who intend to have another child with those who do not, and how parents with one child differ from those with more children. It addresses three questions about family size: (1) fertility ideals, (2) resources and the economic implications of childbearing, and (3) opportunities for childbearing and the effects of a late start on fertility expectations. It concludes that, despite a sustained period of low fertility in Scotland, childbearing ideals are robust and explanations of low fertility must derive from difficulties in realising those ideals. Difficulties in realising fertility aspirations are associated less with resources than with opportunities for childbearing, especially the timing of first birth. Those who delay their first birth are less likely to realise their ideal family size, and their lower fertility is associated with the opportunity costs of childbearing in terms of foregone qualifications, careers and earnings.     

一孩与二孩家庭育龄妇女生育意愿比较

基于江苏苏南某农村790户家庭的抽样调查数据,比较一孩与二孩家庭育龄妇女的生育意愿,并运用回归模型对影响两类家庭育龄妇女生育意愿的因素进行研究。结果显示,两类家庭育龄妇女的意愿生育数量、意愿生育性别和意愿生育间隔没有显著差异,仅在对"女性生育的最大年龄"的认识上二孩妇女明显低于一孩妇女。但两类家庭育龄妇女在生育意愿的影响因素上存在着较大的差异。     

Sex preference and fertility: what is the link?

It is argued that investment in programs for changing attitudes toward sex preference may not have the greatest impact on reducing fertility or increasing fertility control. Arnold's new method of analysis of determining sex preference was applied to data from a 1977 Egyptian survey of 36,000 rural households in Menoufia Governorate. Findings indicated that couples increased their use of modern contraceptives in direct proportion to an increase in the number of sons. Arnold determined that a large majority of all couples would have at least one boy early in their childbearing years. Thus sex preference would not have a large effect on fertility. Arnold's analysis among 27 countries found that without any sex preference, contraceptive usage would increase by an average of less than 3.7 percentage points. Arnold found that sex preference was strongest in Asia, particularly in South Korea and Taiwan that already have reduced fertility levels. In Africa, where fertility is high, the total elimination of sex preference would have only a 2.9 percentage point difference in contraceptive use. Sex preference had small effects on the percent of women who practice contraception, the percent who desire no more children, and the average number of additional children wanted. For example, in Bangladesh having no sex preference would show a percentage difference of 1.6 percentage points for contraceptive use, 4.7 percentage points difference for women desiring no more children, and -0.1 percentage point difference for the average number of additional children wanted. The effect of having no sex preference was strongest in India compared with Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal, the Philippines, Thailand, Ghana, Kenya, Costa Rica, Haiti, Paraguay, and Peru. The effect of no sex preference in India would have the respective percentage point effect of 3.7, 8.9, and -0.2. Public policy should be directed to information, education, and communication with other social goals.     

Premarriage education in family planning should begin in puberty]

The work of disseminating family planning information must begin at puberty in order to provide a sound foundation for future family planning education. Premarital education that begins at puberty should emphasize decreasing the number of early marriages, planning for only 1 child, and superior births. The Chinese Family Planning Association held a special seminar in November 1986, in Taicang County, Jiangsu Province, to study sex education. Some observations by individual participants are included below and do not represent the viewpoints of the Conference. Education at puberty concerns 2 primary areas: knowledge about sex, and morals concerning sex. At this age, physical changes are met by immature minds. Adolescents are not informed about the sexes; nor do they understand self control. Families and teachers must help them comprehend physical desire and relationships. The first step in educating adolescents is to eradicate feudal attitudes that make sex a taboo subject and that equate it with obscenity. Sex education is scientific and must be disseminated as such. If proper objective information is not provided, adolescents will acquire the wrong, and sometimes detrimental, information from peers. Early marriage, abortions by unwed mothers and sex crimes can be prevented by proper education. In those schools, particularly in Shanghai, which have sex education, the reception has been positive among teachers and students. Although sex education is crucial to educating adolescents, it should not be confined to this age group. Engaged couples and newlyweds also need such information.