基于五普数据对四普数据质量的估计

本文在考虑了第四次人口普查和第五次人口普查的调查时点差异后,采用列克西斯图图示法,运用人口逆存活分析技术并结合对比分析方法,对第四次人口普查数据质量进行了重新评估。研究发现,“四普”0—9岁人口存在严重漏报,男女两性合计漏报人口1269万;10-18岁人口不仅存在漏报,也存在重报;男女分性别漏报人口之间也存在较大差异。     

1990年代中国生育水平研究

1990年代我国的生育水平究竟是多少,这一直是个谜。本文利用中国一直独立存在的严密而周全的教育统计数据,来估计2000年人口普查中的漏报,最终估计我国1990年代的生育水平。通过教育统计数据对人口普查数据进行调整,重构2000年普查0~9岁人口的年龄性别结构;并将2000年0~9岁人口转换为1991~2000年历年的出生人数,进而估算1990年代我国的生育水平。从推算和估计的结果看,我国1991年生育率达到更替水平,之后进一步下降,低于更替水平。1990年代后期我国的总和生育率在1.7~1.8。     

关于中国1990年代低生育水平的再讨论

本文根据全国第五次人口普查样本计算了 1 990年代各年份的分性别平均初婚年龄 ,这一结果再次表明这一时期中初婚年龄有显著提高。本文还根据以往历次调查的各年份年龄别生育率按队列计算了累计生育率 ,结果发现 2 0 0 0年时各队列的累计生育率水平高于五普数据中各队列的平均活产子女数。本文还就队列累计生育率计算结果详细分析了 1 990年代终身生育水平的趋势。这些分析从一个新的角度说明 ,1 990年代各队列的终身生育水平也在发生显著的下降 ,正在接近现行生育政策所要求的水平     

Child Underreporting,Fertility, and Sex Ratio Imbalance in China

Child underreporting is often neglected in studies of fertility and sex ratio imbalance in China. To improve estimates of these measures, I use intercensal comparisons to identify a rise in underreporting, which followed the increased enforcement and penalization under the birth planning system in 1991. A new triangulation of evidence indicates that about 19% of children at ages 0–4 were unreported in the 2000 census, more than double that of the 1990 census. This evidence contradicts assumptions underlying the fertility estimates of most recent studies. Yet, the analysis also suggests that China’s fertility in the late 1990s (and perhaps beyond) was below officially adjusted levels. I then conduct a similar intercensal analysis of sex ratios of births and children, which are the world’s highest primarily because of prenatal sex selection. However, given excess underreporting of young daughters, especially pronounced just after 1990, estimated ratios are lower than reported ratios. Sex ratios in areas with a “1.5-child” policy are especially distorted because of excess daughter underreporting, as well as sex-linked stopping rules and other factors, although it is unclear whether such policies increase use of prenatal sex selection. China’s sex ratio at birth, once it is standardized by birth order, fell between 2000 and 2005 and showed a continuing excess in urban China, not rural China.     

How Far Has Fertility in China Really Declined?

According to births in the last year as reported in China's 2000 census, the total fertility rate (TFR) in the year 2000 in China was 1.22 children per woman. This estimate is widely considered to be too low, primarily because some women who had out‐of‐quota births according to China's one‐child family policy did not report those births to the census enumerator. Analysis of fertility trends derived by applying the own‐children method of fertility estimation to China's 1990 and 2000 censuses indicates that the true level of the TFR in 2000 was probably between 1.5 and 1.6 children per woman. A decomposition analysis of change in the TFR between 1990 and 2000, based on our best estimate of 1.59 for the TFR in 2000, indicates that about two‐fifths of the decline in the conventional TFR between 1990 and 2000 is accounted for by later marriage and less marriage, and three‐fifths by declining fertility within marriage. The analysis also applies the birth history reconstruction method of fertility estimation to the two censuses, yielding an alternative set of fertility estimates that are compared with the set derived by the own‐children method. The analysis also includes estimates of trends in fertility by urban/rural residence, education, ethnicity, and migration status. Over time, fertility has declined sharply within all categories of these characteristics, indicating that the one‐child policy has had large across‐the‐board effects.     

中国1982年后人口普查和抽样调查中死亡漏报的估计——基于Bayesian分层回归模型

利用Bayesian分层回归模型估计中国1982年后历次人口普查和抽样调查的死亡漏报率及其随时间的变化。结果表明:0岁死亡漏报率随时间的变化具有明显的阶段性,而1～4岁死亡漏报率随时间的变化趋势不明显;全年龄、5～14岁和15～59岁、60～89岁和90岁及以上死亡漏报率随时间的变化基本近似且同样具有阶段性。受漏报原因和不同时期社会背景的影响,女性1～4岁的死亡漏报率不一定低于0岁的死亡漏报率。人口普查成人阶段各年龄死亡漏报率差别较大,而人口抽样调查则较为一致。2000年人口普查男性和2010年全人口90岁及以上死亡率偏低是由比较严重的死亡漏报造成。死亡漏报对预期寿命计算误差的影响因年龄而异,二者关系在婴幼儿中较弱,其余年龄死亡漏报和预期寿命误差存在显著线性正相关。     

1990年代中国出生性别比:究竟有多高?

当1990年代各种人口调查"过低的"生育水平难以置信时,其"过高的"出生性别比数据却被广泛接受。本文的主要目的是通过对2000年人口普查出生数据漏报的性别差异的分析,利用教育统计数据,重新估计2000年及90年代的出生性别比。结果表明我国实际的出生性别比并不像2000年普查数据反映的那样严重偏高。我国实际的出生性别比和低年龄组性别比要比普查反映的水平低5～9个百分点。1990年代在我国出生性别比偏高的部分中,女婴漏报的作用高达50%以上。本文还根据2000年普查千分之一抽样数据,考察了出生性别比的社会经济差异。     

“五普”人口总量和结构的分析与调整

以人口普查资料为基础,运用人口存活分析方法和数值拟合思想,并辅之以其他统计数据和对比分析方法,分析五普数据中的重报和漏报,对普查人口总量和结构进行调整。研究发现,“五普”0-9岁人口存在漏报,漏报人口为3 743万;而10-60岁人口存在重报,重报人口为1 134万人;最终调整五普人口总数为127 120万,普查人口漏报率为2.05%。     

Evaluation of the results of China's 1982 population census and the problems raised by the IUSSP Florence Conference]

The author discusses the evaluation by IUSSP members of China's 1982 population census and outlines questions raised at the 1985 conference in Florence. While the quality of the census data was generally favorably assessed by those attending the workshop, the following points were made: The population size, obtained by summing all age groups, is inconsistent with the total population recorded in the census; fertility, mortality, and national growth rates for the Chinese population over the years are different in various official publications; and the sex ratio, 1.08:1 in 1981, may be caused by underreporting.     

中国人口终身迁移状况分析

“出生地”是用来收集人口迁移信息最常用的调查项目之一。中国以往的人口普查中一直缺少这一调查项目 ,这使得利用出生地资料对人口迁移状况进行分析在国内一直是个空白。中国第五次人口普查在中国人口普查史上首次调查了人口的出生地信息。本文主要根据第五次人口普查提供的出生地资料 ,对中国各省人口的终身迁移水平、流向以及不同年龄人口的终身迁移状况进行了初步分析。     

Comparing the U.S. Decennial Census Coverage Estimates for Children from Demographic Analysis and Coverage Measurement Surveys

Following every U.S. decennial census since 1960, the U.S. Census Bureau has evaluated the completeness of coverage using two different methods. Demographic analysis (DA) compares the census counts to a set of independent population estimates to infer coverage differences by age, sex, and race. The survey-based approach (also called dual system estimation or DSE) provides coverage estimates based on matching data from a post-enumeration survey to census records. This paper reviews the fundamentals of the two methodological approaches and then initially examines the results of these two methods for the 2010 decennial census in terms of consistency and inconsistency for age groups. The authors find that the two methods produce relatively consistent results for all age groups, except for young children. Consequently, the paper focuses on the results for children. Results of the 1990, 2000, and 2010 decennial censuses are shown for the overall population in this age group and by demographic detail (age, race, and Hispanic origin). Among children, the DA and DSE results are most inconsistent for the population aged 0–4 and most consistent for ages 10–17. Results also show that DA and DSE are more consistent for Black than non-Black populations. The authors discuss possible explanations for the differences in the two methods for young children and conclude that the DSE approach may underestimate the net undercount of young children due to correlation bias.     

More Than One Million New American Indians in 2000: Who Are They?

More than one million people reported their race as American Indian/Alaska Native (AIAN) in the 2000 U.S. census but did not do so in the 1990 census. We ask three questions. First, which subgroups had the greatest numerical growth? Second, which subgroups had the greatest proportional increase? And third, are the 2000 single-race AIANs and the 1990 AIANs the same set of people? We use full-count and high-density decennial census data; adjust for birth, death, and immigration; decompose on age, gender, Latino origin, education, and birth state; and compare the observed subgroup sizes in 2000 with the sizes expected based on 1990 counts. The largest numerical increases were among adolescent and middle-aged non-Latinos, non-Latino women, and adults with no college degree. Latinos, women, highly educated adults, and people born in Eastern states had the largest proportionate gains. The ability to report multiple races in 2000 and the new federal definition of “American Indian” may have especially affected these groups, although personal-identity changes are probably also involved. We find that thousands of new Latino AIANs reported only one race in 2000, but many 1990 AIANs reported multiple races in 2000. Thus, the 1990 AIANs and 2000 single-race AIANs are not always the same individuals.     

从第五次人口普查看世纪之交的广东人口状况

1990年以来 ,广东人口状况发生了深刻的变化。这些变化有的符合全国普遍规律 ,有的因受广东特殊社会经济环境的影响表现出不同特点。本文利用第五次人口普查最新数据 ,分析广东人口在数量、分布、素质和结构等方面的现状和特点     

Missing Minorities? The Phases of IRCA Legislation and Relative Net Undercounts of the 1990 vis-à-vis 2000 Decennial Census for Foreign-born Cohorts

The quality of the decennial census of the United States is compromised by population undercount, which often misses immigrants and racial/ethnic minorities, thereby diminishing federal resources allocated to such groups. Using a modified version of demographic analysis and informed by the latest contributions of emigration scholarship, this research estimates net undercount for the 1990 census relative to the 2000 census by age, sex, year-of-entry, and place-of-birth cohorts. Ordinary least squares estimates suggest that males, recent arrivals, and cohorts aged 15–44 had higher relative net undercount for 1990 compared with 2000. Much higher relative net undercount was found for cohorts from Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean (excluding Cuba and Puerto Rico) who were ineligible for amnesty under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (i.e., those fitting the profile of an undocumented immigrant). Larger implications of these findings suggest that the political climate in which a person is embedded—particularly for persons who may feel threatened or marginalized by the government and/or the public—affects that person’s willingness to respond to the census.     

A decomaosition of trends in poverty among children of immigrants

Poverty levels among all children in the United States have tended to fluctuate in the past 30 years. However, among the children of immigrants, child poverty increased steadily and rapidly from about 12% in 1970 to 33% in the late 1990s before declining to about 21% in 2000. Using 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000 Public Use Microdata Samples data, we identified key factors that underlie the fluctuations in immigrant child poverty from 1969 to 1999 and the divergence from children of natives. We found that roughly half the absolute increase in immigrant child poverty can be linked to changing conditions in the U.S. economy that make it more difficult to lift a family out of poverty than 30 years ago. These changes occurred disproportionately among children of parents with lower levels of education, employment, and U.S. experience but not among racial/ethnic minorities. Poverty risks among various racial and ethnic groups converged over time. The relative increase in poverty for immigrant versus native children owes largely to the divergence between immigrant and native families in racial/ethnic composition, parental education, and employment.     

Age-sex structure of the United States in 2000: Early results from Census 2000

Recently data on age and sex for the United States have beenreleased in the Census 2000 data product Summary File 1. This paper presents someearly analysis on the shape of the age and sex structure from Census 2000 data throughstatistics and graphics on national and sub-national levels. Also highlighted are comparisonswith data from the 1990 census.     

Continue to encourage one couple to have one child]

The Chinese State Council exhorted the masses in 1984 and 1986 to improve upon its adherence to the birth policy. The policy of 1 child per couple is the proper policy reflecting specific historical conditions. China's goal to modernize cannot be realized if the population grows unchecked. With the exception of minorities and certain rural families, all couples are affected by this policy. The 1 child rate jumped from 20.73% in 1970 to 58.3% in 1984, while the 3 child rate dropped to 19.8% from 60.21% during those years. In order to solve one of China's major future population problems, it is necessary to continue advocating 1 child per couple. With the 1986 population at 1,060,080,000, China's average per capita income is among the lowest in the world. It is not enough simply to improve the economy. Population growth must be contained at 1,200,000,000 by 2000. If every couple were permitted 2 children, and allowing for unplanned births, the population would be 1,300,000,000 in 2000. Therefore, it is essential to encourage more couples to limit families to 1 child through example by officials, propaganda, material incentives and priorities in jobs and housing.     

A Study on China’s Marriage Squeeze

China's male marriage squeeze and its potential consequence have attracted much attention and given rise to debate, but most studies contribute this squeeze to sex structure and neglect the age structure, and some studies use fl awed method to study the contribution of age structure in this squeeze. In this paper we develop an indicator of Spousal Sex Ratio(SSR) and apply a decomposition method into age and sex structure. Based on the data from China's 2010 census and projection, we predict that from 2010 to 2020, the age structure will be the dominant factor for China's male marriage squeeze, and from 2020 to 2034, the contribution of sex structure will be increasing, whereas that of age structure will be decreasing. From 2034 to 2045, China's male marriage squeeze will mainly from imbalanced sex structure, and the age structure will contribute little or negatively to China's male marriage squeeze.     

农村分家类型与三代直系家庭的变动趋势——基于对全国人口普查数据的分析

本研究基于全国人口普查数据,以及笔者已有关于农村分家类型数量模型的分析,对家庭结构再生产过程中的分化因素与组合因素进行了归纳,揭示了家庭结构再生产的内在逻辑,构建分家类型对家庭类型的微观作用机制．进而据此解释1990—2000年三代直系家庭的历史变动,并预测未来独子家庭结构再生产的变动趋势。结论是：（1）家庭结构再生产的过程中,家庭结构的分裂因素对组合因素的优势日益明显,无论是在独子家庭还是在多子家庭都是这样。（2）自1990年以来三代直系家庭比重上升的内在原因是多子分家类型的急剧减少．由此而减少了大量核心家庭,而相对提升了三代直系家庭的比例．三代直系家庭本身的演变趋势是走向日益瓦解,特别是在日益增加的独子家庭中,分裂因素日渐强势并占据主导地位,三代直系家庭在未来将会顽强坚持的判断可能是靠不住的。文章最后回应了学界关于中国家庭结构问题的争论。     

Characteristics of age composition of China's population]

The age composition of Chinese population is analyzed via data collected in the 1982 census, which has been the basis for planning the social and economic life of 1 billion people. The census reflected complete population age composition, by birth, mortality and growth rates, from the time of the Liberation in 1949. The 10% sample, based on the national age composition, did not include the 4,240,000 people in military service which, as .42% of the total population, did not constitute a large differential. The population has grown rapidly since 1949. A few years before and after 1960, growth was reduced due to economic conditions, but the overall growth trend remained unchanged. The census showed that since 1970, growth has experienced a downturn, but the decrease was not related to the sudden drop before and after 1960. The census also showed China's population had changed from 1964's primarily young population to an adult population, but the process of population aging is only beginning, with a still relatively young population. China's population is not a stable one. This increase and decrease were greatly influenced by the changes in social and economic conditions. The disparity in age composition caused by these changes has created problems in social life, education, employment, marriage, housing, health, transportation, and cultural facilities. There are large differences in age composition between regions and ethnic groups. The decreases in birth and growth rate of the eastern coastal provinces were more rapid than those of the southwest and northwest regions. The age composition of minority nationalities is considerably younger than the Han people. Factors that influenced age composition characteristics included reduction of the neonatal mortality rate, the rises and falls of economic development, and the work in planned fertility.