Issues of quality and consumer rights in the health care market

This Issue Brief describes how the structure of the health care market has changed in the recent years. It outlines the growth in managed care and the changes in the types of managed care plans available. In addition, it discusses the issue of quality in the health care market. It also includes an overview of the legislative topics and issues relating to quality and consumer rights that policymakers are currently considering. Growth in national health expenditures, the medical care price index, and employer health care costs has slowed significantly since 1990. This decreased growth has coincided with substantial increases in managed care plan enrollment. The percentage of employees enrolled in managed care plans increased from 48 percent to 85 percent from 1992 to 1997. Quality is a multidimensional concept. Although individuals may agree on its components, they may disagree on the relative importance of these components. Therefore, disagreement exists not only on how to measure quality but also on how it is defined. Consequently, policy decisions need to be based on an evaluation of a particular law's effect as opposed to its stated goal or intent. This distinction is important because a law that addresses access or consumer rights does not necessarily address the quality of care a consumer receives. Ultimately, whether an individual believes that a law truly addresses quality will depend in a large part on his or her subjective opinion of what quality entails. To date, comparison of the quality of managed care plans with that of fee-for-service plans has not produced results that uniformly differentiate between these two plan types in either a positive or a negative way. In addition, it is important to note that the current debate on the quality of care provided in the health care market is not new to the present managed care era. The regulations and mandates discussed in this report would not guarantee increased quality in the health care market, unless quality is defined as easier access for those with health insurance. However, if quality is defined as the success of the outcomes of health services provided, the effect of these regulations on quality is in need of further research. Yet, the regulations would have some impact on the costs of health benefits and insurance. This impact has been estimated to be relatively small to substantial, depending on the interpretation of the mandates and assumptions derived from that interpretation. Regardless of the magnitude of the estimated increases, some research has shown that these regulations could have serious implications for the likelihood of small businesses offering health benefits. While these health plan regulations effect on quality depends on one's definition of quality, costs would increase regardless of the definition one uses. Consequently, these regulations would come at a price. Thus, legislators must decide between: (a) imposing regulation that would increase access and consumer "rights" for those with insurance but would be of questionable value to the quality of outcomes, and (b) allowing existing market forces to improve quality through experimentation and competitive forces.     

Health Maintenance Organizations

Health maintenance organizations and similar pre-paid health plans are an alternative form of health care available to Medicare beneficiaries in some areas of the country. While proponents of HMOs have argued that these plans may be better suited than fee-for-service medicine to provide care to an older population, HMOs have played a relatively small role in health care of the elderly. This paper traces federal health policy relating to HMOs and Medicare and describes obstacles to HMO Medicare programs stemming from those policies. It then examines the Massachusetts experience in HMO program development as a case study of how state policy can play a critical role in implementation of policy objectives at a local level. The paper demonstrates how an active state policy involving the executive and legislative branches, elder advocacy groups, and the private sector created a public-private partnership to develop HMO programs for the Medicare population. When this paper was completed, however, Medicare HMO development in Massachusetts was at a standstill, waiting for several critical problems of federal policy to be resolved.     

Questions and answers on employee benefit issues

This Issue Brief addresses 19 topics in the areas of pensions, health insurance, and other benefits. In addition to the topics listed below, the report includes data on the prevalence of benefits, tax incentives associated with benefits, lump-sum distributions, number of private pension plans, pension coverage rates, 401(k) plans, employer spending on group health insurance, self-insured health plans, employer initiatives to reduce health care costs, and employers' response to the retiree health benefits accounting rule, and flexible benefits plans. In 1992, U.S. employers (public and private) spent $629 billion for noncash benefits, representing nearly 18 percent of total compensation, excluding paid time off. In 1992, 71 percent of the 50.1 million individuals aged 55 and over received retirement benefits, including distributions from private and public pensions, annuities, individual retirement accounts, Keoghs, 401(k)s, and Social Security. Among the 76 percent of all private pension plan participants who participated in a single plan, 30 percent named a defined benefit plan as their pension plan type, 58 percent named a defined contribution plan as their pension plan type, and 12 percent did not know their plan type. Private and public pension funds held more than $4.6 trillion in assets at the end of 1993. The 1993 year-end assets are more than triple the asset level of 1983 (nominal terms). According to the Congressional Budget Office, U.S. expenditures on health care were expected to have reached $898 billion in 1993, up from $751.8 billion in 1991, an increase of 19.4 percent in nominal terms.     

Implications of ERISA for health benefits and the number of self-funded ERISA plans

This Issue Brief provides an overview of the issues relating to the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA) and health benefit plans, the major case law relating to ERISA and health plans, and the implications of the preemption of state regulations for health plan sponsors and participants. It also presents the latest data on the number of health plan participants in self-funded ERISA plans. Finally, it presents a summary of current legislative proposals that would attempt to amend ERISA. Under the framework ERISA established for employee benefit plans, the regulation of employment-based health benefit plans has evolved into a two-tiered system in which both federal and state laws play important roles. The Supreme Court has interpreted ERISA's "savings" and "deemer" clauses to mean that insured plans are subject to regulations directly at the federal level and indirectly at the state level, while self-funded plans are regulated exclusively at the federal level. The ERISA statute and the courts' interpretations of the Act have created a sharp controversy over how employee health benefit plans are provided and administered, with state regulators and consumer advocates on one side of the debate and plan sponsors (e.g., employers and unions) on the other. State regulators and consumer advocates tend to favor more regulation, and in many instances greater regulation at the state level, which they argue would provide more protections for consumers. However, employers and unions (or any plan sponsors) think ERISA preemption is very important to their ability to provide innovative and cost-effective health benefits for their employees, and assert that ERISA's present structure should be preserved. The U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) found that 44 million individuals (39 percent of those in ERISA plans) were enrolled in self-funded ERISA plans in 1993, up from 39 million (33 percent of those in ERISA plans) in 1989. The Employee Benefit Research Institute (EBRI), using the same methodology as GAO with 1995 data, estimated that 48 million individuals (39 percent of those in ERISA plans) were enrolled in self-funded ERISA plans in 1995. When policymakers look to amend ERISA, they should consider whether the change to ERISA will produce a higher level of quality for consumers than is being provided under the present system and will continue to do so in the future. Policymakers must also decide whether quality of care is better enhanced by health plans' greater exposure to liability or by market forces. If policymakers decide that increased exposure to liability is the route to go, will consumers be able to enjoy any potential improvement in quality or will more individuals end up uninsured because of increased costs and not be able to get any care regardless of the quality?     

Questions and answers on health insurance benefit issues

This Issue Brief addresses eight topics in the areas of health insurance and health care costs. Using a question and answer format, the discussion draws largely on EBRI research and the EBRI Databook on Employee Benefits, third edition. In 1993, U.S. expenditures on health care were $884.2 billion, and they are projected to reach $2,173.7 billion by 2005, increasing at a projected average annual rate of 7.8 percent. Health care spending accounted for 13.9 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1993 and is projected to reach 17.9 percent of GDP by 2005. Among the factors contributing to the increase in health care costs are the growth in the number of individuals with traditional reimbursement health insurance coverage, the rapid expansion of technology and treatment options, and demographic factors such as the aging of the population. In 1993, employers, both public and private, spent $235.6 billion on group health insurance, accounting for 6.2 percent of total compensation. Group health insurance is the fastest growing component of total compensation, increasing at an average annual rate of 13.7 percent from 1960 to 1993. An increasing number of employees are required to make a cash contribution to their health insurance plan premium. In 1993, 61 percent of full-time employees in medium and large private establishments who participated in an employee only health insurance plan were required to make a contribution to the premium, up from 27 percent in 1979. In 1993, 185.3 million persons under age 65 had health insurance coverage, while 40.9 million people--or about 18.1 percent of the nonelderly population--received neither private health insurance nor publicly financed health coverage. Of those individuals who had health insurance coverage, 60.8 percent, or 137.4 million persons, received their health insurance through an employment-based plan. In 1993, 15.2 percent of the nonelderly population without health insurance coverage were noncitizens. In six states noncitizens represented a higher proportion of the total uninsured population than individuals in the nation as a whole. An increasing number of employers are self-funding their health insurance plans. In 1994, 74 percent of employers with 500 or more employees self-funded their health insurance plans, up from 63 percent in 1993. An estimated 22 million full-time employees in private industry and state and local governments participated in a self-funded employment-based health insurance plan.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)     

Physician Resistance to Innovations: The Case of Contract Medicine

Abstract

Physicians' assessments of contract medicine arrangements such as health maintenance organizations (HMOs) are considered in light of innovation diffusion theory and changing professional relations in medical care. Data from a national sample of physicians reveal that physicians practicing in HMOs differed from others in that they were more likely to be primary-care practitioners and politically liberal; they were also more likely to have thought that a physician surplus was emerging and that HMOs offered better working conditions. They did not differ from other physicians in job satisfaction. After considering differences between the two groups, the research examines how physicians, who did not practice in HMOs, viewed such contract medicine arrangements. Findings indicate that physicians in fee-for-service (FFS) practices felt that working conditions and service quality in HMOs are highly related and are better in FFS practices than in HMOs. In addition, physicians who anticipated heightened competition from HMO development were more likely to favorably evaluate HMO service delivery. The findings suggest accommodation to an organizational innovation if it is seen as preserving practice autonomy, but limited acceptance otherwise.     

Health care reform: managed competition and beyond

Since the election, the health care reform debate has focused on three broad features: implementation of managed competition, changes in the tax treatment of health insurance, and the imposition of budget caps or targets. The basic element of managed competition is the creation of sponsors who act as collective purchasing agents for large groups of individuals. One of the potentially most politically difficult issues in implementing any health care reform proposal is likely to be defining the minimum standard benefit package. It will determine the costs society bears, the income of providers, the health of many individuals, and the attributes of a workable health care reform package. Managed competition is intended to foster competition among health plans on the basis of cost and quality. The measures of quality actually employed in the health care system will determine in large part the incentives faced by insurers, providers, and consumers. The problem of adverse selection is potentially the most important issue in reforming the health insurance market. If individuals can opt not to purchase health benefits, poorer risks will be more likely to purchase health insurance than good risks, and at minimum the price of these benefits will be higher than would otherwise be the case. Managed competition requires that individuals share at least some of the financial consequences of their choices among health plans. As a result, most managed competition proposals change the tax code by limiting the exclusion of employer contributions to health insurance from worker's taxable income. Changing the health insurance market, mandating employer health benefits, and changing the tax code may have significant effects on the health care delivery system, but they are unlikely to reduce health care cost inflation in the near term. One of the proposals for restraining the growth in health care costs is the imposition of a budget on the amount spent on health care services. The combination of the constraints placed on federal governmental action by the budget and the significant political problems involved in reaching a consensus on the important elements of health care reform may limit the ability of the federal government to implement national health care reform in the near term. As a result, individual states may be encouraged by the federal government to continue to experiment with their own health reform programs.     

Technology, skills, and health care labor markets

Conclusion I examine the role of technological change in health care labor markets. One of the biggest issues in the U.S. economy over the recent past has been rapidly rising health care costs. Conventional wisdom holds the main factor driving these costs increases has been technological change. These changes in technology have lead to a direct transformation in the delivery of health care and have also lead to indirect transformations through the reshaping of the private and public insurance industry. My findings are consistent with the idea that technological change has resulted in an increase in demand for higher skilled workers in the industry, while being labor-saving among low-skill workers. The earnings of RNs and health therapists rose rapidly over the 1983 to 1993 period, declined between 1993 and 1996, but then began to rise again after 1996. It is generally believed that managed care has had a one-time cost reducing effect in the industry by eliminating some of the inefficiencies associated with fee-for-service health insurance (Newhouse, 1992). The results here suggest a similar finding in the labor market. I appreciate helpful comments from Laurence Baker, James Bennett, Ann Frost, Barry Hirsch, Joanne Spetz, and Daphne Taras.     

The role of the health care sector in the U.S. economy

This Issue Brief discusses factors that contribute to the growth of health care expenditures and the reasons that many individuals, employers, and policymakers consider health expenditures too high. In addition, it describes various industries that make up the health care delivery system and their role in the U.S. economy as employers, producers, exporters, and suppliers of research and development. The report also discusses the economic implications of rising health care expenditures for individuals, employers, and the federal government and the potential impact of proposed health care reform on the health care sector and the U.S. economy as a whole. Health care delivery industries such as pharmaceuticals and medical equipment suppliers have higher than average research and development levels, in addition to a positive balance of trade. Moreover, while the total number of jobs in the private sector declined between 1990 and 1993, the number of jobs in the relatively high paid health services sector continued to grow. In aggregate, employer spending on health care represents only 6.6 percent of total labor costs. In comparison, wages and salaries represent 83 percent of total labor costs. Consequently, the growth rate of health care expenditures has a smaller impact on the growth rate of total compensation than does the growth rate in wages and salaries. Using job multipliers developed by the U.S. Department of Commerce, it is estimated that the 18,600 health care services jobs in Rochester, Minnesota in 1993 created another 32,000 jobs in the area. Any contraction of the health care sector in cities that have a large concentration of employment in health services would result in reduced employment in restaurants, retail stores, janitorial services, and other local businesses. EBRI's simulations estimated that between 200,000 and 1.2 million workers could become unemployed as a direct result of a mandate that employers provide health benefits to their employees, assuming that wages and salaries did not adjust at all. Others find that approximately 50,000 individuals would lost their jobs, assuming that wages and other labor costs adjust downward to completely account for increased costs. As is apparent, the estimates of job loss (and of the total costs of the policy) are extremely sensitive to the assumptions used in the simulation.     

Health Maintenance Organizations: Legislative and Training Implications

The Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 provides Americans with the opportunity to join prepaid group health plans. HMOs are not a panacea for the ills that beset our health delivery system but their emphasis on health maintenance and preventive interventions will provide new social work practice and student training opportunities. This article reviews and analyzes the major features of the HMO Act. Expanded roles for social work practitioners are discussed and suggestions are made for strengthening social work training programs in order to prepare social work professionals for practice in HMOs and in the health care field.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured. Analysis of the March 1993 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief/Special Report examines the extent of health insurance coverage in the United States, the characteristics of the uninsured population by employment status, firm size, industry, income, location, family type, gender and age, race and origin, and education, as well as how the uninsured population has changed over the last several years. Eighty-three percent of nonelderly Americans and 99 percent of elderly Americans (aged 65 and over) were covered by either public or private health insurance in 1992, according to EBRI tabulations of the March 1993 Current Population Survey (CPS). The March 1993 CPS is the most recent data available on the number and characteristics of uninsured Americans. In 1992, 17.$ percent of the nonelderly population--or 38.5 million people--were not covered by private health insurance and did not receive publicly financed health assistance. This compares with 36.3 million in 1991 (16.6 percent), 35.7 million in 1990 (16.5 percent), 34.4 million in 1989 (16.1 percent, and 33.6 million in 1988 (15.9 percent). The most important determinant of health insurance coverage is employment. Nearly two-thirds of the nonelderly (62.5 percent) have employment-based coverage. Workers were much more likely to be covered by employment-based health plans than nonworkers (71 percent, compared with 40 percent). A primary reason for the increase in the number of uninsured between 1991 and 1992 is a decline in employment-based coverage among individuals (and their families) working for small firms. Forty-two percent of the additional 2.2 million individuals without coverage between 1991 and 1992 were in families in which the family head worked for an employer with fewer than 25 employees. The number of children who were uninsured in 1992 was 9.8 million, or 14.8 percent of all children. This compares with 9.5 million and 14.7 percent in 1991. The increase in the number and proportion of uninsured children was partially offset by an increase in the proportion of children with Medicaid. In 12 states and the District of Columbia, more than 20 percent of the population was uninsured in 1992 (table 3). These states and their uninsured rates were Nevada (26.6 percent), Oklahoma (25.8 percent), Louisiana (25.7 percent), Texas (25.7 percent), the District of Columbia (25.5 percent), Florida (24.2 percent), Arkansas (23.5 percent), California (22.2 percent), South Carolina (20.8 percent) and Alabama (20.1 percent).     

Trends in health insurance coverage

This Issue Brief presents data on trends in health insurance coverage between 1987-1995. In 1995, 70.7 percent of the nonelderly population had private health insurance coverage, compared with 75.9 percent in 1987. During this period, the percentage of the nonelderly population with employment-based health insurance declined from 69.2 percent to 63.8 percent, while the percentage covered by Medicaid program increased from 8.6 percent to 12.5 percent. The percentage of the nonelderly population without any form of health insurance increased from 14.8 percent in 1987 to 17.4 percent, or 40.3 million individuals, in 1995. The percentage of nonelderly Americans with employment-based coverage fell for both individuals with coverage in their own name and those with coverage as dependents. In 1995, 32.7 percent of the nonelderly population had coverage in their own name, compared with 33.8 percent in 1987. Similarly, 31.1 percent of the nonelderly population had employment-based health insurance as dependents in 1995, compared with 35.4 percent in 1987. One of the most important determinants of health insurance coverage is work status and hours of work. While employment-based health insurance received directly from worker's employer decreased between 1987 and 1995 from 66.2 percent of 63.2 percent among full-time workers, the percentage of part-time workers with employment-based health insurance coverage in their own name increased from 17.2 percent to 20.1 percent. The percentage of workers with dependent coverage fell for both full-time and part-time workers, as did the percentage of nonworkers with dependent coverage. Workers in the manufacturing industry are most likely to have employment-based health insurance; they are also the workers most likely to have experienced a decrease in employment-based coverage between 1987 and 1995. In contrast, workers employed in most of the service sectors, experienced an increase in employment-based health insurance, self-employed workers experienced a decrease, and government workers experienced a slight increase. Cost is one of the primary factors contributing to the decline in employment-based health insurance coverage. While health insurance premium cost increases have slowed during the past three years, many health care analysts are predicting an increase in health insurance premiums during the next few years. Inflationary pressure may come from health care providers, health insurers, consumers, and/or policymakers. If inflationary pressure increases health insurance premiums, we are likely to see a continued decline in employment-based health insurance and a subsequent increase in both Medicaid and uninsured populations.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured: analysis of the March 1997 Current Population Survey

This Issue Brief provides summary data on the insured and uninsured populations in the nation and in each state. It discusses the characteristics most closely related to individuals' health insurance status. Based on EBRI analysis of the March 1997 Current Population Survey, it represents 1996 data--the most recent data available. In 1996, 82.3 percent of nonelderly (under age 65) Americans had private or public health insurance. Seventy-one percent had private insurance, 64 percent through an employment-based plan. Sixteen percent had public health insurance. The percentage of uninsured Americans has been increasing since at least 1987. In 1987, 14.8 percent of the nonelderly population was uninsured, compared with 17.7 percent in 1996. However, the erosion of employment-based health benefits cannot fully explain this increase since 1993. Instead, the decline in public sources of health insurance would partly explain it. It may be that, while the percentage of individuals with employment-based coverage is rising, individuals previously covered by Medicaid and CHAMPUS/CHAMPVA are not being fully absorbed into the employment-based health insurance market. Between 1995 and 1996, the percentage of nonelderly Americans without health insurance coverage increased from 17.4 percent to 17.7 percent. Further examination indicates that children completely accounted for this increase. In 1995, 13.8 percent of children and 19 percent of persons ages 18-64 were uninsured, compared with 14.8 percent of children and 18.9 percent of persons ages 18-64 in 1996. With the recent passage of legislation designed to reduce the number of uninsured children, the next focal point for health care reform could be early retirees and unemployed persons. President Clinton and some members of Congress have expressed an interest in improving access to and affordability of coverage for these groups. Currently, health care cost inflation is at its lowest point in years, but there are signals indicating that it is about to rise above current levels. The federal government's recent announcement that health insurance premiums will rise for federal employees an average of 8.5 percent in 1998 may portend higher future health care costs. Similarly, disappointing earnings announcements from several large insurers because of higher medical costs and lower-than-expected revenues may indicate that health insurance plans will increase premiums. Employment and income play a dominant role in determining an individual's likelihood of having health insurance. Age, gender, firm size, work hours, and industry are also important determinants; however, these variables are also closely linked to employment status and income. Some of the widest variations involve factors that are not always looked at in traditional demographic assessments, such as citizenship. However, variations by race, ethnicity, and citizenship are also closely linked to employment status and income.     

Sources of health insurance and characteristics of the uninsured. Analysis of the March 1992 Current Population Survey

Eighty-three percent of nonelderly Americans and 99 percent of elderly Americans (aged 65 and over) were covered by either public or private health insurance in 1991, according to EBRI tabulations of the March 1992 Current Population Survey (CPS). The March 1992 CPS is the most recent data available on the number and characteristics of uninsured Americans. In 1991, 16.6 percent of the nonelderly population--or 36.3 million people--were not covered by private health insurance and did not receive publicly financed health assistance. This number compares with 35.7 million in 1990 (16.6 percent), 34.4 million in 1989 (16.1 percent), and 33.6 million in 1988 (15.9 percent). The most important determinant of health insurance is employment. Nearly two-thirds (64 percent) of the nonelderly have employment-based coverage. Workers were much more likely to be covered by group health plans than nonworkers (71 percent versus 40 percent). Even though workers and members of their families were more likely to be covered by health insurance than nonworkers, 85 percent of the uninsured lived in families headed by workers in 1991, primarily because most people lived in families headed by workers. More than 60 percent of uninsured were in families headed by full-year workers with no unemployment. Nearly all persons who were covered by an employment based-plan received at least some contribution to that plan from their employer. The estimated average annual contribution among those receiving a contribution to employee or family plans was $2,129. Although many individuals in poor families are covered by public health plans, that coverage is far from universal. In 1991, only 52 percent of the nonelderly with income below the poverty line were covered by a public plan--49 percent by Medicaid. The number of children who were uninsured in 1991 was 9.5 million, or 14.7 percent of all children, compared with 9.8 million or 15.3 percent of all children in 1990. Twenty-three percent of children were covered by public health insurance, with 21 percent being covered by Medicaid. In 11 states and the District of Columbia, more than 20 percent of the population was uninsured in 1991. These states and their uninsured rates were the District of Columbia (30.3 percent), Texas (25.3 percent), New Mexico (24.5 percent), Louisiana (23.8 percent), Florida (23.5 percent), Mississippi (22.1 percent), Oklahoma (22.1 percent), Nevada (21.8 percent), California (21.7 percent),Arizona (21.1 percent), Alabama (20.6 percent), and Idaho (20.6 percent).     

AN ALTERNATIVE TO MANAGED CARE: A "GUILD" MODEL FOR THE INDEPENDENT PRACTICE OF PSYCHOTHERAPY

As health care is reconfigured by HMOs and managed care organizations, family therapists often have to decide whether or not to cooperate with the new power structures and their ways of doing things. The chief concern of many therapists is the ehtical bind created when the managed care orgranization demands breaches of confidentiality or makes decisions about the course of treatment that may not, in the therapist's opinion, be in the best interest of the family. Associations of independent, nonmanaged care psychotherapists are springing up in response to these dilemmas. This paper describes the philosophical evolution and organizational development of one such association.     

Foster care and Medicaid managed care

Children in the foster care system are often dependent on Medicaid for health care. These children, however, have more complex health care needs than the typical child receiving Medicaid. States are implementing Medicaid managed care programs as a way to control escalating costs while providing necessary services. This article reviews the issues surrounding delivery of managed health care services to children in foster care and describes several solutions.     

The competitive response of Blue Cross to the health maintenance organization

The health maintenance organization (HMO) is an alternative to the traditional fee-for-service health care system in the United States. Other studies have shown that the HMO reduces hospital utilization and offers greater benefit packages than fee-for-service. This paper tests whether the presence of HMO's provides effective competitive pressure on Blue Cross, the largest insurer of hospital costs. The cross sectional regression analysis supports the hypotheses that Blue Cross has reduced hospital utilization and increased benefit packages in response to HMO competition. Consequently, competitive forces are shown to be operative in at least one area of health care.     

Measuring the quality of health care

This Issue Brief examines some of the issues involved in defining and measuring the quality of health care and in implementing quality measures. It discusses the importance of measures of health care quality in the evolving health care delivery system, examines some of the conceptual issues involved in defining quality of care, and discusses some of the measures of health care quality and how these measures have been implemented in the health care delivery system. The major impetus for quality assurance programs is cost management: it is an attempt to allocate scarce health care resources efficiently. This requires making choices among alternatives, which may mean that maximizing quality of care for whole populations may not maximize the quality of care for individuals. Quality, in terms of any single good or service, has a number of dimensions. Health care is a complex bundle of services, and each component service within an episode of care affects the other components and the patients differently. Moreover, patients differ in numerous ways, which means that similar symptoms may require different services if care is to be effective. Measuring quality of health care services requires accounting for all of these factors. In attempting to manage health care costs, employers and other private health plans have begun to employ process measures of quality, i.e., evaluating caregivers' activities, the decisions made at each step in an episode of illness, and the appropriateness of the care provided. Process is an important component of quality measures because it focuses directly on the uncertainty in the efficacy of treatment. Given this uncertainty, the logic of medical decision making is an important determinant of quality and cost effectiveness. Examining the process of care involves assembling a panel of physicians who review medical records to determine the appropriateness of the care received. Providers have increasingly found that their medical decision making and practice styles are being monitored by purchasers as new health care delivery systems are being formed. The American Medical Association found that 39 percent of surveyed physicians were subject to clinical profiling.