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1.
Kwon  Hyeong-ki 《Theory and Society》2004,33(2):135-166
By exploring associational life in early modern Italy, which the arguments of neo-Tocquevillians such as Robert Putnam explore, this article critically reconsiders the effects of associations upon democracy. By revealing how rich associational life resulted in the establishment of Fascism, I argue that associations do not necessarily contribute to the stabilization of democracy.In order to account better for meanings of associations, I emphasize transformation of identities of associations in a political and ideological context.  相似文献   

2.
Social and political anti-government movements have been major headlines across the globe in recent years, with a noticeable participation of women. In the MENA region, such movements spanned Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon among others. Through an ethnographic inquiry into the Algerian pro-democracy movement Hirak (2019–2021), we delve into women's experiences of the Hirak to show how women remain marginalized politically, economically, and socially despite their heavy and praised participation. Using a recognition theory lens, we unveil dialectics of unity and division in the struggle for recognition among women in Algeria, a post-colonial context charged with conflicting ideological stances. We detect two structural dimensions of the struggle, a spatial/physical dimension and a historical/temporal dimension that help surface different gender positionalities and their dynamics as they vie for recognition. We stress the importance of not homogenizing women's political struggles, especially in the Global South.  相似文献   

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Conclusion  Today the term “industrial democracy” has a rather quaint sound, at least in the U.S., and is seldom encountered in either academic or practitioner industrial relations. Likewise, the work of the early institutional economists is infrequently cited by modern IR scholars and even less often read. So, one may ask, why re-plow this intellectual ground when it has so long lain fallow?  相似文献   

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Many journalists and scholars will look for the correlation of that chain of spectacular transformations that changed, as if at one blow, the fates of tens of millions of individuals and the hitherto firm bipolar picture of the modern world ... Today, many people are talking and writing about the role of the intellectuals, students, and the theatre, or the influence of the Soviets' perestroika, and economic difficulties. They're right. I myself as a playwright would also add the influence of humour and honesty, and perhaps even something beyond us, something maybe even unearthly.Vaclav Havel, Preface to Gwyn Prins (editor),Spring in Winter: The 1989 Revolutions.  相似文献   

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Relations between science and politics are under pressure because urgent problems create an increasing external demand on sciences while inside sciences the old idea that “science speaks truth to politics” is increasingly seen as unfeasible and undesirable. We are not forced to choose between such an objectivist and a skepticist model. Associative democracy provides more fruitful interactions between sciences and politics in order to “democratize science/expertise” and to “expertize democracy” compared with the outworn institutional alternative of parliamentary democracy – incapable of solving risk-decisions because of limited and misguided information, lack of qualification and practical knowledge – and neo-corporatist “shifts from government to governance” – suffering from rigidity, exclusion of legitimate stakeholders, intransparency and lack of democratic legitimacy. It introduces contest where it matters most and where it is most productive: in the framing of issues, in the deliberation/negotiation on alternatives, and in the implementation and control of the chosen problem solving strategy.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The aim of this article is to compare and contrast basic moral principles of justice, as articulated by Rawls (1999) and by a presumably utopian society (the original Israeli Kibbutz) that purposefully attempted to design a community that was just and free, by collectivizing it. The principles it evolved were noble but its outcome was doomed to failure because by making social justice the dominant goal it did not allow for sufficiently free liberty of individual moral agents on which social justice is based  相似文献   

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Ce document examine le mouvement de la Chine de lancer ses citoyens au devéloppement d'éducation pendant le "grand bond en avant" de 1958–59. Comme à l'ouest, la participation est justifiée sur la base démocratique. Contraire à l'ouest, ce n'était pas autant une technique d'organization de cadres, qu'une stratégie du développement nationale. Comme une partie saillante du procès de développement. l'école du travail détudes était ouverte à l'influence non seulement par le système d'éducation, mais aussi par la grande société.
This paper examines China's attempt to involve her citizens in educational development during the Great Leap Forward, 1958–59. As in the West, participation was justified on the grounds of democracy. Unlike the West, it was not so much a technique of organizational management as a strategy of national development. As a salient part of the developmental process, the work-study school was open to influence not only from within the educational system but also from the larger society.  相似文献   

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It is a widespread belief that pornography causes negative attitudes toward women, but tests of this belief are contradictory. A large body of research has studied the effect of violent pornography on behavior, but the effects of erotica and violence have often been confounded. Thus, the relationship between pornography and attitudes toward women was assessed in two correlational studies, and the effect of (nonviolent) erotica on attitudes towards women was tested experimentally. The dependent measure was the score on a questionnaire measuring attitudes toward women and women's issues. The questionnaire possessed high reliability; factor analysis indicated a single general factor. Participants included 184 psychology students and 20 patrons at an “adult” theater. Multiple linear regressions indicated that hours of viewing pornography was not a reliable predictor of attitudes toward women in either sample. Patrons of the adult theater, who viewed more pornography, had more favorable attitudes toward women than male or female college students. In Study 3, 75 students were randomly assigned to watch four hours of erotica or four hours of psychology films over five consecutive days. Power analysis indicated a strong test. Manipulation checks showed a difference in students’ perception of the erotic nature of the videos, but attitudes toward women were not influenced by type of video.  相似文献   

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The newspaper press in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe is currently being re‐organized on market lines. This will produce a much greater reliance upon advertising revenues. The evidence from developed market economies demonstrates that such a press is sharply stratified with regard to the provision of public information. The resulting imbalance produces severe problems for theories of democracy. In order to lessen the impact of these problems, some countries in Europe, for example Sweden, have managed to adopt a policy subsidy without endangering the freedom of the press.  相似文献   

13.
《Journal of Socio》1996,25(4):497-515
Despite a high rate of industrialization, crime rates in Japan have declined overall since World War II. This is inconsistent with the “Durkheimian-Modernization” respective which argues that rapid socioeconomic changes increase crime rates. Although a number of qualitative studies investigate possible reasons for Japan's low and declining crime rates, few employ quantitative analyses with aggregate data. This paper systematically examines the impact of poverty, economic inequality and unemployment, on homicide, robbery and larceny rates among the 47 prefectures in Japan. The multiple regression analysis reveals a significant positive relationship between unemployment rates and homicide and robbery and between the degree of economic inequality and larceny. The poverty level is significantly and positively correlated only with homicide, but this relationship vanishes when controls for unemployment rate, the percent of young males and the level of industrialization are introduced. The implications of these findings for Japanese economic policy are discussed.  相似文献   

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Over the past decade the world economy has been characterized by escalating global current account imbalances between the United States and East Asian states. This paper argues that US structural power in the global monetary system allowed the consolidation of a finance-led growth regime in the US based on massive capital inflows, asset inflation and consumption growth while inducing East Asian emerging market economies to establish export-led growth regimes. The global credit crisis has clearly uncovered the boundaries of US monetary hegemony, imposing severe adjustment throughout the global political economy. I analyse the political economy of global economic adjustment and argue that the crisis of US monetary hegemony is based domestically on the crisis of the finance-led growth regime and globally on the shortage of global demand. On the basis of an analysis of the impact of the crisis on the models of capitalism of the US, the Eurozone, and China, this paper shows that global demand deficiency will persist in the short to medium term.

Durante la última década, la economía mundial se ha caracterizado por el aumento de los desequilibrios de cuentas corrientes globales entre los Estados Unidos y los estados del Asia oriental. Este artículo sostiene que el poder estructural estadounidense en el sistema monetario global permitió la consolidación de un régimen de crecimiento impulsado por las finanzas en Estados Unidos, en base a las entradas masivas de capital, inflación de los activos y crecimiento de consumo, mientras inducían a las economías de mercado emergente de Asia oriental, a establecer regímenes de crecimiento impulsado por las exportaciones. La crisis de crédito global ha puesto claramente al descubierto los límites de la hegemonía monetaria estadounidense, imponiendo un ajuste severo a través de la economía política global. Analizo la economía política del ajuste económico global y sostengo que la crisis de la hegemonía monetaria estadounidense está basada – domésticamente – en la crisis del crecimiento del régimen impulsado por las finanzas y – globalmente – en la escasez de la demanda global. En base a un análisis del impacto de la crisis en los modelos del capitalismo de los Estados Unidos, la Eurozona y la China, este artículo muestra que la insuficiencia en la demanda global persistirá en el corto y mediano plazo.

过去的十年,世界经济的一个特征一直是不断升高的美国与东亚国家之间的全球经常账户不平衡。本文认为美国在全球货币体系中的结构性权力使得美国基于大规模资本流动、资产膨胀、消费增长的金融业领导的增长机制得到巩固,同时诱使东亚新兴市场经济建立出口领导的增长机制。全球信贷危机已经清楚地揭示了美国金融霸权的范围,这一霸权通过全球政治经济强加严酷的调整。笔者分析全球经济调整的政治经济学,并且认为美国货币霸权的危机在国内是因为金融业领导的增长机制的危机,而在全球(国际)则是因为全球需求的短缺。基于危机对美国、欧元区和中国的资本主义模式的冲击的分析,本文认为,全球需求不足将在近中期持续。

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В прошлое десятилетие мировая экономика была охарактеризована эскалацией глобального дисбаланса текущего счета между государствами Восточной Азии и Соединенными Штатами. В данной статье утверждается, что американские власти, в структуре мировой валютной системы, позволили консолидацию финансово-экономического режима роста в США на основе массивного притока капитала, инфляции активов и роста потребления, вызывая в Восточной Азии, с формирующейся рыночной экономикой, создание экспортно-ориентированного режима роста. Глобальный кредитный кризис ясно показал границы американской валютной гегемонии, вводящей жесткое регулирование во всей глобальной политической экономике. Мы анализируем политическую экономию глобального экономического регулирования и утверждаю, что кризис американской валютной гегемонии базируется внутри страны, на кризисе, ведомом финансированием режима роста и, в глобальном масштабе, на дефиците глобального спроса. На основе анализа влияния кризиса на модели капитализма в США, Еврозоне и Китае, эта работа показывает, что глобальный дефицит спроса будет сохраняться в краткосрочной и среднесрочной перспективе.  相似文献   

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India has the world's highest burden of child undernutrition. Lack of income is considered as one of its primary causes. However, evidence suggests that despite steady economic growth and investments in social services directed towards child welfare, undernutrition rates continue to rise. Thus indicating, that there are other societal factors impacting child undernutrition. Previous studies indicate that countries with higher gender inequality have worse health outcomes for women and children. India, particularly in the northern states, has deep-rooted gender biases, leading to disproportionately worse outcomes for women and children. This study uses cross sectional data from the India National Family Health Survey Round-3 (NFHS-3) to examine the immediate and underlying effect of gender inequality on child nutritional status. The sample includes urban married women between 15 and 49 years (N = 9092) who have at least one living child between 0 and 5 years. Findings highlight the significant effect of autonomy and health related awareness on child nutritional status, when the relationship is mediated by maternal health. Implications for policy and practice are provided.  相似文献   

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What is the connection between leaders’morality and the output performance of organizations? Can their morality explain, through trust, continuity, and change of organizational cultures? Is periodic rotation of managers the right solution for the distrust caused by self‐serving conservatism due to Michels's “Iron Law of Oligarchy”? An anthropological study of kibbutzim, whose innovative and adaptive cultures declined recently, found that past success was dependent on high‐moral servant leaders who backed democracy and promoted high‐trust cultures that engendered innovation by creative officers in some kibbutzim, which others imitated. However, conservatism of continuous leaders as heads of low‐trust kibbutz federative organizations, which were ignored by customary kibbutz research, engendered oligarchization which rotation enhanced rather than prevented. However, creativity deteriorated only after decades of growing oligarchy, with the vanishing of the high‐moral old guard. Thus, the crux of democratic communal culture sustainability is pinpointed in the superiority of trusted, high‐moral leaders. A preliminary idea for achieving that aim, predicated on officers’continuation in office being conditional on periodic tests of trust, is herein presented.  相似文献   

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In this paper, we offer an initial assessment of the impact of the economic crisis on Spain's migration flows. After a period of intensive economic growth and the ensuing immigratory appeal (1995–2007), Spain has been hit hard by the recession. This has modified the trends that had so far characterized foreign immigration in Spain. The impact of the economic recession has been particularly severe in the case of immigrant workers and, consequently, from an institutional point of view, the Spanish government has adopted various measures to restrict the arrival of new immigrants: it has reduced work permit quotas and it has modified the Foreign Residents Law, toughening residence permit requirements. It has also tried to encourage voluntary returns with a programme devised to provide assistance to immigrants originating from countries with which Spain has social security agreements. The response to this programme has, however, been very limited. Immigration flows have continued and rates of return have stayed low, although new trends are also detectable, such as a decrease in the number of irregular arrivals and a rise in informal employment, as well as differences in the impact of unemployment according to nationality and gender. This reveals the complexity of migration processes beyond the supply and demand of labour and the political will to regulate human mobility. Consequently, immigration patterns in Spain reveal the degree of complexity reached by human mobility, which has increased beyond the logic of the labour market and the government's attempts at regulating migration flows by means of institutional measures. The immigrants' hope of raising their standard of living and the socio‐economic differences between source and receiving countries, even at a time of severe economic crisis, do still serve as explanations for current migration networks, one of the key points in the current debate on international migration.  相似文献   

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