海合会与欧盟自贸区谈判的回顾与展望

海合会与欧盟有关建立自贸区的谈判已经持续了20多年。2008年欧盟在与海合会签署自贸区协议的最后一刻突然反悔,拒绝在协议文本上签字,海合会方面随后愤而宣布搁置与欧盟的相关谈判。双方在这一问题上的互不妥协立场,导致谈判再陷僵局。本文试图通过分析双方的经贸关系、回顾双方的谈判历程,来探讨谈判陷入僵局的深层次原因以及打破这种僵局的可能性,并为正在进行的中国与海合会之间的自贸区谈判提供政策建议。     

南共市与海合会自贸区谈判及合作前景

作为南美和阿拉伯世界两个重要的地区合作组织,南共市与海合会自贸区谈判开始于2005年5月召开的首届南美—阿拉伯国家首脑会议期间,并在此后取得一系列进展。但因南共市与海合会在石油产品关税上的主要分歧以及2010年底迄今阿拉伯大变局的影响,双方的自贸区谈判目前暂时陷入停滞。本文将尝试分析南共市与海合会进行自贸区谈判的政治与经济动因,并探讨双方建立自贸区的可行性与未来发展前景。     

欧盟与海合会能源合作研究

能源合作一直是欧盟与海合会之间经济合作的重要内容.首先,欧盟与海合会之间能源结构和能源安全的互补性,以及各自在全球能源体系中的地位,构成了双方能源合作的动机;其次,欧盟与海合会之间建立的能源合作模式,则充分展现了权力平衡、制度建设、议题设置和认同强化在双方能源合作领域中的功能性作用;最后,欧盟与海合会能源战略重点的调整和转移,还展现了双方未来在能源领域的合作前景.     

商务谈判中打破僵局的谋略

在商务谈判过程中，谈判双方时常会为价格、数量、质量、交付方式和售后服务等问题各执一词，互不相让，使谈判陷入僵局。面对僵局，聪明的谈判者会巧妙地运用行之有效的谈判技巧，使谈判走出且持的误区，走进和谐的氛围，达成双方都能接受的协议。下面，笔者介绍几种打破谈判僵局的技巧。一、变通法面对谈判僵局，如果使用变通法，就会使谈判走出困境，达成满意的协议。因为，变通法顾及双方的利益，提出双方都能接受的条件，使双方由水火不容的绝境转入水乳交融的奇瑰境地。某出口商曾就某项高级技术设备的交易同国外共买方进行谈判。在谈…     

商务谈判中打破僵局的策略

在商务谈判过程中,谈判双方时常会为价格、数量、质量、交付方式和售后服务等问题各执一词,互不相让,使谈判陷入僵局。面对僵局,聪明的谈判者会巧妙地运用谈判技巧,使谈判走出僵持的误区,走进和谐的氛围,达成双方都能接受的协议。 一、攻心 每个谈判者都有自己的心事、动机或小算盘。面对谈判僵局,如果能抓     

中国与海合会国家的经贸关系

中国与海合会国家的贸易长期维持着以制成品换原油的格局,近年自海合会国家的非油气商品进口迅速增长,其中主要是石化产品。海合会国家石化产品将冲击中国市场,国内有关石化企业应积极准备应对即将到来的挑战。非油气进口商品的增长将加剧中方逆差,可以扩大服务贸易等方式平衡双边贸易。中国在海合会国家的承包工程业务正向大型化发展,但原有廉价劳务优势在逐步减弱,应尽早实施属地化经营。海合会是中国重要的贸易伙伴,中海自贸区谈判不宜久拖不决。     

中国对海合会国家的经济外交——国际体系转型与地缘经济的视角

20世纪八十年代末以来,尤其是进入21世纪后,随着全球化的不断深入,国际体系转型加剧,各种全球性议题中,国家间或国家与区域组织的经济关系已成为各自需首先解决的问题。中国与海合会国家作为后发国家,在此期间的国内外环境经历着巨大的冲击,双方发展在地缘经济上呈极强互补趋势,自贸区建设谈判也一直在议题之中。中国在总体发展战略和外交布局下,着力提升经济外交,海合会国家则是中国加强对发展中国家经济外交实践的重要对象之一。本文试探讨双边地缘经济联系,梳理中国与其经济外交脉络,明晰在当前国际体系转型和金融危机背景下,各自的利益诉求,展望双方进一步合作以达共赢发展的前景。     

中国对海合会国家的经济外交——国际体系转型与地缘经济的视角

20世纪八十年代末以来,尤其是进入21世纪后,随着全球化的不断深入,国际体系转型加剧,各种全球性议题中,国家间或国家与区域组织的经济关系已成为各自需首先解决的问题。中国与海合会国家作为后发国家,在此期间的国内外环境经历着巨大的冲击,双方发展在地缘经济上呈极强互补趋势,自贸区建设谈判也一直在议题之中。中国在总体发展战略和外交布局下,着力提升经济外交,海合会国家则是中国加强对发展中国家经济外交实践的重要对象之一。本文试探讨双边地缘经济联系,梳理中国与其经济外交脉络,明晰在当前国际体系转型和金融危机背景下,各自的利益诉求,展望双方进一步合作以达共赢发展的前景。     

FTA建设下中国与海合会经贸关系研究

海合会国家是我国推进"一带一路"战略中的重要地区,本文重点分析了中国与海合会经贸关系的发展现状及中海FTA建设的主要障碍。2001~2013年,中国与海合会国家的双边贸易总额增长了近15倍,中国成为海合会第二大石油进口国,沙特、阿联酋是中国在中东地区排名第一和第二位的贸易伙伴。中国对海合会国家直接投资增长快,但规模较小,海合会对中国的投资集中于石化和金融领域,海合会国家是中国对外工程承包的重要市场。中国与海合会已经举行了五轮FTA谈判,中国应抓住此次国际油价暴跌的机会,加大从海合会进口原油的力度和规模,加快建设石油战略储备,借助建立中海自贸区消除石油贸易的"亚洲升水"问题,推动我国与海合会国家的"1+2+3"经贸合作格局的形成。     

欧盟与海湾国家合作伙伴关系的建立与发展

欧盟与海湾合作委员会的合作伙伴关系,开始于双方1988年签订的合作协议.对于这两个区域性集团来说,建立合作关系都有着明确的目的.在欧盟方面,主要是为了获得稳定的能源供应和对能源价格的控制.而海湾国家则是为了获得更多的欧洲投资和技术转让,来实现经济的多样化发展.然而,双方的合作关系由于自由贸易谈判无法取得进展,而长期处于停滞状态.近年来,随着海湾合作委员会关税联盟的建立,以及欧盟在伊拉克战争后对中东问题关注程度的加深,双方合作伙伴关系的发展已经展现出积极的前景.     

中国、海湾六国聚焦能源安全问题

中国和海湾6国的自由贸易协定谈判于2004年9月举行，其关注的焦点是能源合作，这对我国解决能源安全问题有重要的战略意义。     

伊朗与海合会成员国关系研究

伊朗与阿拉伯海湾合作委员会成员国是隔海相望的近邻，但地理位置的接近并未使双方成为好邻居、好伙伴，反而加重了海合会成员国对伊朗扩张野心的担忧。伊拉克战争后，原本由伊拉克和海合会联手制衡伊朗的“三角关系”被破坏，海湾局势随着伊朗的“被崛起”以及伊朗核问题的演变而面临深刻的变化。本文试图从伊朗的扩张意图和海合会成员国的担忧、海合会成员国遏制伊朗的战略以及目前双方较量的关键问题等方面，分析伊朗与海合会成员国之间的关系，并探讨这一关系的未来走向。     

Globalization and cultural mediation: the construction of Arabia in London

The Arab Gulf’s relationship to London epitomizes the processes of globalization i.e. flows of people, images, ideas and wealth beyond national borders. The rise of oil wealth in the mid–1970s financed the growth of London as a centre of Gulf Cooperation Council–funded Arab cultural production. The British capital’s populations of ex–servicemen, former diplomats and Middle Eastern immigrants serve as ‘third culture’ mediators. Often well educated, well heeled and well connected, these intermediaries possess the social position and cultural know–how to play a central role in the construction and marketing of Gulf Arab local culture and heritage. Romantic notions of Gulf Arab cultural particularism feature prominently in mediators’ products and activities. In the case of Arab London’s mediation industries, globalization results not in cultural homogenization, but rather in the (re)production and commodification of reified notions of cultural difference.     

The “Tiering” of Citizenship and Residency and the “Hierarchization” of Migrant Communities: The United Arab Emirates in Historical Context

The local population of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) constitutes less than 11.5 percent of the total population. In response to their growing numerical minority status, many Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, including the UAE, have become more stringent about their citizenship, nationality, and employment policies. The natural questions to follow are: Why have UAE nationality and citizenship laws diverged from the anticipated “opening” of nationality and citizenship policies that some assumed would accompany globalization? In the specific context of the UAE, what factors have shaped and changed these policies over time?     

伊朗与海合会成员国关系研究

伊朗与阿拉伯海湾合作委员会成员国是隔海相望的近邻,但地理位置的接近并未使双方成为好邻居、好伙伴,反而加重了海合会成员国对伊朗扩张野心的担忧。伊拉克战争后,原本由伊拉克和海合会联手制衡伊朗的"三角关系"被破坏,海湾局势随着伊朗的"被崛起"以及伊朗核问题的演变而面临深刻的变化。本文试图从伊朗的扩张意图和海合会成员国的担忧、海合会成员国遏制伊朗的战略以及目前双方较量的关键问题等方面,分析伊朗与海合会成员国之间的关系,并探讨这一关系的未来走向。     

Migrant earnings gaps in Gulf Cooperation Council countries: Employers' perceptions or opportunity costs?

This article discusses earnings differentials among skilled Western, Arab and Asian migrants, who constitute most of the private sector labour force in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, during the period 2012–14. Using two standard decomposition methodologies, it investigates the view that Westerners are paid premium rates due to the unobserved perceptions of private employers. The results indicate that while one‐third to three‐quarters of real hourly earnings differentials are attributable to differing observed levels of productivity‐related characteristics, the remainder are due to the incorporation of higher opportunity costs for Westerners into the bargaining process. The potential effect of unobserved perceptions is found to be irrelevant to observed earnings differentials.     

Negotiating Partial Citizenship under Neoliberalism: Regularization Struggles among Filipino Domestic Workers in France (2008–2012)

This article examines the social and historical conditions of negotiations for expanding migrant domestic workers partial citizenship under neoliberal policies. It uses a case study of Filipino domestic workers struggling for regularization in the Parisian region, 2008–2012. Under Sarkozy's neoliberal immigration policy called chosen immigration, Hortefeux, the then Minister of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Cooperative Development, authorized case-by-case “regularization based on work” in his circular of 7 January 2008. Consequently, led by a coalition of trade unions, sans papiers (undocumented) collectives and migrant support groups, large-scale mobilizations occurred demanding rights-based regularization. Although undocumented Filipino domestic workers remained socially invisible during this campaign, a quiet, small-scale but unprecedented mobilization took place among Filipino sans papières. Based on 10 months of fieldwork, this article shows how the neoliberal tendency in the two policy areas of immigration and personal services opened up the opportunity for Filipino migrant women to have access to the institutional resources of the Private Household Workers (PHW) trade union and to break the deadlock of “double irregularity”, that is, the dispossession of both their residential permit and labor contract. This case depended on the activism of a trade unionist of Filipino origin, a trailblazer who filled the structural hole between Filipino ethnic networks and the local domestic workers’ movement. Among the outcomes are the rising consciousness among Filipinos of the usefulness of learning French, as well as a new narrative that incorporates the struggles of Filipino domestic workers in the PHW trade union history.     

海湾六国的可持续发展及其对中国的启示

海湾六国的经济和社会有着许多的共同特征。从整体来看经济结构单一，主要以石油为主，普遍存在本国国民失业率高的现象。石油收入是这些国家的主要财政来源，但“石油经济”从长期来看是不可持续的，最根本的原因在于石油资源的不可再生性。海湾六国政府实行了经济多元化政策以期早日摆脱对石油的依赖，向可持续方向发展。但可持续发展并非局限在经济方面，还包括了社会和生态环境的可持续发展，即关注环保和有效利用资源。本文以海湾六国为例简析了可持续发展面临的主要问题、实施战略及影响因素，这为中国的可持续发展提供了重要启示。     

Emigration dynamics in the Arab region. IOM / UNFPA workshop, 7-8 October 1996, Geneva,Switzerland

This paper describes the four research monographs on emigration that were presented at the December 1995 Regional Workshop in the Arab Region. The workshop was an exchange of views and discussion of policy implications of emigration. Monographs were presented by Dr. Mayar Farrag on emigration in Egypt, Professor Nadji Safir on migration in the Maghreb, Dr. Setenay Shami on emigration dynamics in Jordan, and Dr. Lynn Evans on behalf of Dr. Ivy Papps on migration in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Dr. Farrag identified three periods of migration. During the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s, migrants were officially encouraged by Egypt to fill education positions. During the 1970s, many migrants left for the oil-producing countries on a temporary basis. Since the mid-1980s, the influences on Egyptian migration have been the economic recession and oil prices in the Gulf states, the completion of infrastructure projects in most Gulf states, and the replacement of foreign labor with nationals. Dr. Farrag recommended improving the migrants' skills in English and technology in order to maintain a dominant flow of temporary migrants to the Gulf region. Professor Safir reported that persons from the Maghreb region (Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco) migrated to France before independence and subsequently to West Germany and the Benelux countries. Algeria had the highest migration potential, and Morocco had the highest migration. Morocco had established networks in destination countries, high population growth rates, and high unemployment. Maghreb countries are receiving migrants from the south. Professor Safir recommended regional integration. Dr. Shami separated step migration from stepwise migration, which complicates push-pull theories. Dr. Papps argued that use of foreign labor may not be the best option for development, and that sending countries should be more aware of skill needs in GCC countries.     

也门与海湾合作委员会关系探究

也门与阿拉伯海湾国家息息相关。自古以来,它们拥有相同的地域环境、语言文化、宗教信仰和传统习俗、相似的历史命运。自20世纪发掘石油以来,海湾国家的经济迅猛发展,也门也得到这些国家的财政援助。两伊战争爆发后,海湾六国为寻求安全成立了海湾合作委员会。海湾战争期间,也门与海湾国家关系恶化。经过多年努力,双方又恢复了友好关系,经贸交流也有了进一步发展,也门还积极申请加入该委员会,并且被接纳为其下属部分机构成员。也门最终能否成为其第七成员国而融入海湾大家庭,值得我们关注。