Religionless Christianity: A profile of religion in the Canadian 80s

The state of religion in Canada is examined, based upon the preliminary findings of two recent national surveys which have produced both cross-sectional and longitudinal data. Areas probed include: involvement in organized religion, the viewing of religious TV programs, commitment to traditional Christianity, and interest in the new religions and the paranormal. It is maintained that some three in four Canadians are neither committed nor opposed to old and new religions, but rather are ‘a-religious’, adhering to fragments of the Judaic-Christian tradition yet lacking a religious orientation which can be used to address life and death. This ‘unfocused majority’ is described as Canada's ‘religionless Christians’. The author concludes with an examination of the receptivity of Canadians to religion, and the prospects for variations in the predominant secularization pattern.     

„Politische Religionen“ (Eric Voegelin und Raymond Aron) — ein Begriff zur Differenzierung von Fundamentalismen?

The concept of ?political religion“ has been introduced in the late 1930s by Eric Voegelin and Raymond Aron in order to analyze the ?religious character“ of the new totalitarian political mass movements, i. e. Fascism, National Socialism and Communism, as ?collective religions of salvation“ from a critical perspective. Both abandoned the term later and replaced it by ?modern political gnosis“ or ?ersatz of religion“ (Voegelin) and ?secular religion“ (Aron). In this paper the concept and history of the term ?political religions“will be reconstructed, and the author examines the question, if it can be considered an appropriate tool of differentiation in the discussion of socalled fundamentalisms. This will be accomplished by using the example of ?radical Islamism“.     

Attitudes Toward Homosexuality in China: Exploring the Effects of Religion,Modernizing Factors,and Traditional Culture

Using the zero-inflated model and nationally representative sample data from the Chinese General Social Surveys 2013, this study systematically explored the effects of religion, modernizing factors, and traditional culture on attitudes toward homosexuality in China. The findings indicate that most Chinese people generally hold conservative attitudes toward homosexuality, as approximately 78.53% of the respondents believed that “same-sex sexual behavior is always wrong.” Modernizing factors (i.e., education, exposure to Internet information, and liberal inclinations) predicted greater tolerance for homosexuality, whereas Islamic beliefs negatively influenced respondents’ attitudes toward homosexuality. In contrast to the findings of the existing literature, Christian beliefs and traditional culture did not have significant effects on attitudes toward homosexuality. These findings may contribute to the literature by not only quantitatively testing the applicability of several factors identified in most Western studies of this topic but also providing new knowledge of attitudes toward homosexuality in the social context of China.     

An Exploratory Study of Religion and Trust in Ghana

Based on individual-level data from 2008 Afro-barometer survey, this study explores the relationship between religion (religious affiliation and religious importance) and trust (interpersonal and institutional) among Ghanaians. Employing hierarchical multiple regression technique, our analyses reveal a positive relationship between religious affiliation and both measures of trust among Ghanaians. A positive relationship between Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Pentecostal/Evangelical faiths and interpersonal trust compared to non/traditional religion are detected. The data also reveal that upon controls, only Catholic and Pentecostal/Evangelical show significant positive effect on institutional trust among Ghanaians compared to non/traditional religion. It is worth noting that religious importance does not significantly predictor of neither interpersonal nor institutional trust among Ghanaians. The overall effect of religion on trust is weak, and weaker for institutional trust. Most of the difference relates to the difference between world religions and traditional religions. Place of residence, political affiliation, region of residence, ethnicity, and education are significant nonreligious predictors of both institution and interpersonal trust among Ghanaians. The findings further show that whereas age significantly influences only interpersonal trust, gender, life satisfaction, media exposure, sense of corruption, and sense of unfair treatment are significant factors molding institutional trust among Ghanaians. Policy implications of the study are discussed, emphasizing the need to incorporate religious organizations in efforts aimed at boosting interpersonal and institutional trust among Ghanaians. Religious-specific trust promotion program is suggested as possible strategy likely to succeed in Ghana. The need for more detailed studies in this important but ignored area is emphasized.     

Prosumer der Gefühle

In recent years, “online dating” has become one of the few profitable sectors of the digital economy. The business model is quite distinct: The main “product” of dating platforms are emotional relationships. In practice however, those relationships are produced by the actual users and their emotion work on the platform. As a result, the roles of producers and consumers merge. Users of dating platforms are becoming “prosumers of emotions”. With their emotion work they produce surplus value for the platform while they pay considerable monthly fees as consumers. Based on our own empirical research, we analyze the tensions between love and emotion work in general as well as the specific emotional production regime of dating platforms, which not only tend to spur emotions but also tend to transform them into productive emotional labor. Regarded this way, online dating appears as a current and outstanding example for a general trend in today’s capitalism to intensify the use of emotions as a source of economic value creation.     

“Worse than dogs and pigs?” Attitudes Toward Homosexual Practice in Zimbabwe

Politicians call them the “festering finger,” endangering the body of the nation; churchmen say God wants them dead; the courts send them to jail. Zimbabwe has declared that it will not tolerate homosexuality. Gays and lesbians feel persecuted and their rights are undermined. The controversy that was ignited in 1997 when the Zimbabwean government forced the closure of a fair booth by Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe at the Zimbabwe International Book Fair continues to echo. At issue are fundamental questions of the scope of human rights protection in Zimbabwe and other African countries (BBC News, 1998 “UK more liberal on homosexuality, says survey.” (1998). BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8479624.stm  [Google Scholar]). Such issues have sparked endless debates on homosexuality in religion, politics, and other forums. This article seeks to explore the attitudes of both traditional Shona culture and Christian sectors in Zimbabwe. The goal is to find out if the practice is rooted in Shona tradition or if it can be seen as a new phenomenon emanating from Western political and Judeo-Christian influences on Zimbabwe. The article argues that the Zimbabwean attitudes toward homosexuality combine Christian and traditional morality. Finally, the article will discuss how Christian churches and traditional Shona culture come to terms with homosexual practice today.     

‘Emotional authoritarianism’: state,education and the mobile working-class subjects

ABSTRACT

Examining emotions within the studies of mobilities, recent literature has highlighted that migration is an inherently uncertain process shaped by hopes and dreams, as well as feelings of fear and anxiety. More than an individual pursuit for economic advancement or cultural assimilation, we find that migration is also a political project that incessantly creates valuable working-class subjects; a project that often starts in vocational training school, a site generating multiple forms of mobility between learning and workspaces. In the context of China, this article explores the emotional reproduction of working-class subjects through schooling and internship experiences, students’ sense of belonging to the nation-state, their aspirations and fears for the future. Developing the concept of ‘emotional authoritarianism’, it examines the ways in which working-class students were influenced by state-engineered nationalistic sentiments, and how it became a conflictual process of subject-making. Emotional governance is a peculiar political strategy that shapes the emotions of working-class students who are expected to serve the growth of the national economy and transnational capitalism. We discover that mixed emotions or ‘emotions in conflict’ are fundamental to the class reproduction of migrant agents, torn among different bodies and desires in ‘learning to labour’.     

Beyond the Dichotomy: Six Religious Views of Homosexuality

Using published theological and scholarly evidence, this article disrupts the stereotypical “born gay”/“sinful choice” dichotomy widely assumed to characterize religious views of homosexuality in the United States. It argues that we need to keep moral questions separate from questions about the fixity or fluidity of sexual orientation. Rather than two, American Christian and Jewish views of homosexuality can been seen on a range from the “God Hates Fags” view through “Love the Sinner, Hate the Sin,” “We Don’t Talk About That,” “They Can’t Help It,” “God’s Good Gift,” and a queer-theological view of the “Godly Calling.”     

Benjamin Constant on Government Measures to Influence Population Growth

The present‐day political tension between social and economic conservatives on the proper role of government in social life has roots that go back to the Enlightenment. Social conservatives wish to see their views of morality embodied in legislation; economic conservatives—liberals, in the classical meaning of that term—oppose any such intrusion as an infringement on individual liberty. Among the classical liberals, such as Locke, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, and Madison, should be numbered the Swiss‐born political philosopher Benjamin Constant (1767–1830). Constant's major political work, Principes de politique applicables à tous les gouvernements (1810), is an eloquent defense of freedom and privacy. “There are things about which the legislature has no right to make law,” he wrote, “areas of individual existence in relation to which society is not entitled to have any will.” Population is adduced as one illustration, a case where government interference, even if well‐intentioned, is almost always for the worse. The outcome to be avoided, as he saw it, was depopulation. “All detailed legislation, the prohibition on celibacy, the stigmatizing, the penalties, the rewards for getting married—none of these artificial means ever achieves the purpose envisaged…” In sum, “When the vices of government do not put obstacles in the way of population, laws are superfluous. When they do, laws are bootless.” Constant had a varied career, including a long affair and intellectual collaboration with the prominent writer Germaine de Staël and a significant political role in postrevolutionary France. His own writings included well‐received novels and a five‐volume history of religion. He published a work with virtually the same title as the 1810 Principes de politique in 1815, overlapping in content but much shorter, focused on constitutional issues. For a long time this was the only version existing in English (it is included, for example, in The Political Writings of Benjamin Constant [Cambridge University Press, 1988]). A translation of the 1810 book, based on a modern French edition edited by Etienne Hofmann (Librairie Droz, Geneva, 1980), appeared only in 2003: Principles of Politics Applicable to All Governments, translated by Dennis O'Keeffe (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund). The extract below comprises the chapter “On government measures in relation to population” from Book XII (pp. 260–266), reprinted by permission of Librairie Droz.     

Demographic Foundations of Political Empowerment in Multiminority Cities

As U.S. cities accommodate increasing ethnic and racial diversity, political choices may unify or divide their local populations. Those choices pull communities toward two different modes of pluralism: traditional “melting pot” assimilation or a complex mosaic of racial and ethnic assertiveness. Central to this issue is equity and empowerment, which may be accentuated by minority populations’ size, structure, and spatial concentration. We examine two potential modes of local empowerment: “dominance,” whereby each group is the majority of voters in single election districts (reinforcing separative tendencies), and “influence,” whereby a group gains “influential minority” status in several districts (reinforcing unifying tendencies).     

The Blunt Cutting-Edge: The Construction of Sexuality in the Bengali Feminist Magazine Sananda

This article focuses on the construction of one's relation to pornography in contemporary media by examining agony columns of young adult women's magazines. The analytical approach employed is a “close reading” from the perspective of queer theory, purposing both to “queer” the portrayals of heterosexuality and to critically review representations of non-heterosexuality. The focus is especially on the role of affects and emotions in moving subjects “toward” and “away” from porn and producing conceptions of gender and sexuality. On the one hand, the positive affects of excitement and interest are associated with men in the data corpus, whereas the negative affects of disgust and upset are usually connected to women. On the other hand, affects are absent when discussing queerness. The study thus offers an application of Ahmed's notion of the productive role of emotions both in expanding the idea of productivity from constituting ethnicity to establishing gender and sexuality and also in directing attention to the absence of affects or emotions in constituting norms.     

Rhetoric and Etiological Beliefs About Sexuality: Reader Responses to Cynthia Nixon’s New York Times Interview

In 2012, the U.S. actress Cynthia Nixon was quoted in the New York Times Magazine as having stated that “for me, it [being gay] is a choice. I understand that for many people it’s not, but for me it’s a choice, and you don’t get to define my gayness for me.” The interview attracted international media attention and public criticism by lesbian and gay activists. This article suggests a rhetorical approach to understanding etiological beliefs and provides a discursive analysis of 198 online comments by readers of Pink News, a gay news Web site that reported on Nixon’s controversial interview. This article explores common arguments used in readers’ comments about Nixon and examines the rhetorical construction of sexuality. The analysis examines three themes within the data. First, biological essentialism was treated by many readers as common knowledge; second, readers suggested that only bisexuals have “choice”; and, third, it was suggested by both Nixon’s critics and her supporters that counterarguments colluded with homophobia. The article suggests that there is an ideological dilemma whereby both “born-this-way” and “choice” arguments can be understood as colluding with anti-gay prejudice.     

Schlägt Wissen Funken? Zu den Effekten des politischen Steuerungsinstruments Sparkling Science

Although knowledge is attributed a high societal value, its traditional ‘production’ in academia as well as its traditional ‘consumption’ in education have increasingly become problematic. Austrian politics have launched a rather unconventional political steering instrument to solve this problem: Sparkling Science. Based on the equal involvement of pupils and scientists in research projects, this program aims to create ‘sparks of enthusiasm’ as well as ‘sparks of innovation’ between academia and education. We inquire into the effects of this political steering instrument on the level of individual actors. Drawing on qualitative data from a case study, our analyses identify a structural composition that alters the two explicit objectives, which are: To increase pupil’s enthusiasm for science and to stimulate innovative research based on multiple perspectives.     

“Battle of the Mei-Meis”

On May 7, 2011, Singapore held its 16th General Election. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) predictably secured a landslide victory, and yet the result was contextually historic, with the opposition winning six seats from a possible eighty-seven—the largest loss for the PAP since political independence in 1965. At the centre of the General Election was a persistent media buzz surrounding two young female candidates: Tin Pei Ling of the People’s Action Party and Nicole Seah of the National Solidarity Party. While the former suffered sustained criticism, the latter received sustained praise. This article seeks to analyze the manner in which these two women were positioned as inverse feminine subjects within the mediascape. The analysis emerges from data collected from 194 sources which appeared online between March 29, 2011 and May 8, 2011, comprising political blogs, discussion forums, articles, and reports from online news sites. It aims to reveal how the gendered media constructions of, and public responses to, both women interpolate a diametrically opposed positive and negative binary of womanhood which functions to: (1) reify national discourses of ideal femininity; and (2) corroborate regional conceptualizations of “good” and “bad” feminine subjectivities.     

Detoxing feels good: dieting and affect in 22Days Nutrition and goop detoxes

In this paper, I examine the online platforms that present and facilitate two highly profiled diets: the vegan meal service 22Days Nutrition and goop.com’s detoxes. 22Days Nutrition and the goop detoxes are noteworthy case studies because they showcase a shift in the way dieting is approached in the contemporary moment. Rather than being concerned exclusively with weight loss, these diets stress the emotional value and reward that their highly restrictive approach to eating offers. The diets rarely equate restrictive eating with attaining thinness or weight loss, but rather with an abstract sense of “feeling good” and overall emotional wellbeing. However, this articulation of dieting as an opportunity to enable a “positive” affective experience has larger social and political implications. The article unpacks these implications, finding that the diets’ promises of wellbeing depend on not only individual, continual self-transformation but also the formation of collectives from which some bodies must necessarily be excluded.     

Soziologische Emotionskonzepte und ihre Probleme

The sociology of emotions not only faces the challenge to develop an analytical theory framework by which emotions and their significance for social behavior and social relations can be analyzed, it has also to account for the complexity of emotions as far as ‘emotions’ constitute a diverse, heterogeneous phenomenon area which can be identified only in functional respect. However, in sociology as well as in emotion research in general, very often a rather reduced, single-sided understanding of emotions occurs that is based on everyday concepts. As a result, the relationship between emotionality and sociality can be grasped only sub-complexely. The following article presents a modular theory of the sociology of emotions which integrates different levels of emotions in the form of base emotions and cognitive emotions and by which different forms of social and cultural influenceability of emotions can be identified. With the example of the theory of the structure theoretical individualism of Hartmut Esser we examine how such a modular theory can be integrated into a sociological theory framework in an analytically sound way.     

Producing Thailand as a transit country: borders,advocacy, and destitution

ABSTRACT

The space of the ‘transit country’ is increasingly depicted in policy and NGO rhetoric as a taken-for-granted space where migrants pass through on their way to seek protection in the Global North. Yet I argue that the ‘transit country’ is a contested space, a space where ‘temporariness’ may be produced purposefully in order to limit opportunities for protection. In this paper, I argue that Thailand produces itself as a transit country in order to manage and control refugee and asylum seeker populations. Through several discursive and material tactics, including security spectacles, legal maneuvering, and migrant destitution, Thailand maintains and exploits the status of a ‘transit country.’ The purposeful construction of a place where ‘no one will stay’ challenges depictions of migration as linear movements defined by sources and destinations, where transit spaces become only more distance to traverse. While the production of transit countries has always been political, the case of Thailand suggests that the politics involved need not center the migration deterrence efforts of traditional destination countries of the Global North, but have implications within states and regions of the Global South as well.     

Returns on education amongst men in England and Wales: The impact of residential segregation and ethno-religious background

Individuals’ occupational and educational attainment is influenced by their ethnicity, religion and colour in the UK and elsewhere. In this paper, we analyse the impact of ethnicity, religion and colour along with residential segregation¹ and socio-economic deprivation on returns to education for men in England and Wales. We analyse the 2001 UK census data by employing multi-level logistic regression models. It is found that non-White groups including Christian Black-African, UK born Sikh-Indians and South Asian Muslims are found to suffer an ethnic penalty compared to Christian White-British. While there is evidence to suggest that Muslim men may experience a greater penalty compared to some non-Whites other non-Muslim groups too face ethno-religious penalties, sometimes even more severely such as in the case of Christian Black-Africans. Socio-economic difficulties faced by ethnic minorities are also linked to spatial segregation only when associated with high levels of area deprivation. This suggests that what matters may not be segregation per se, but whether or not it is associated with deprivation.     

Underneath we’re angry: feminism and media politics in Britain in the late 1970s and early 1980s

In the late 1970s, a billboard advertisement for Gigi underwear was installed at street level in various British cities. It depicted a woman in a trench coat walking on the street at night and looking defiantly at the camera. A second image portrays her unbuttoning her coat and revealing her underwear. A caption reads “Underneath they’re all Lovable.” This billboard evoked a wave of feminist opposition exemplified by Rosalind Coward’s essay “Underneath we’re angry” attacking the Gigi advertisement for being an invitation to rape women as well as photographic works by The Polysnappers condemning the ad. This article contextualizes the passionate resistance to the Gigi advert within the time’s feminist debates, which characterized media images as oppressive towards women, the discourse around the ideological functioning of advertisements, debates on “the sexual politics of representation,” the political role of photography, social historical events, and the political significance of the street.