农民流动、城市化、劳工权益与西部开发——当代中国的市场经济与公民权问题

“下苦人”的悲歌———从摄影集《麦客》谈起这些年来各种渲染“民俗文化”的产品可谓铺天盖地了。为了经济 (旅游业 )利益、政治动机 (反对“全盘西化”)以及精英阶层高雅的审美需求 ,“开发民俗文化资源”在一些地方已经成了口号。从纯粹商业化的各种“民俗村”、“民俗文化风情旅游”和“民俗文化节” ,到具有浓厚政治色彩的曲阜祭孔大典和黄陵祭祖仪式 ,从文人雅客的民俗采风 ,到文化人类学家的民俗研究 ,各种现存的、已死亡的乃至纯粹是今人“创作”(如“大红灯笼高高挂”)出来的“民俗”让人眼花缭乱。所以当友人推荐一本“民俗摄影…     

Faction in Movement: The Impact of Inclusivity on the Anti‐Globalization Movement*

Objectives. This research examines and evaluates the reasons why the anti‐globalization movement has yet to make significant progress in achieving its primary goals of democratizing international trade negotiation processes. Methods. Data on anti‐globalization protest cycles were collected from news sources for a time period of up to one month that encapsulated the protest events. From these, I constructed brief case narratives of the major events in Seattle, Washington, DC, Prague, Quebec City, Genoa, and Doha to illustrate my argument. Results. I find that the democratic master frame employed by the movement results in two important limitations: (1) the movement cannot exclude participants without undermining its legitimacy, and (2) its lack of a centralized organizational framework makes it impossible to police the actions of participants during major protests. Recognizing these limitations, states hosting global economic summits have demonstrated increasingly a willingness to utilize repressive measures against the movement thereby undermining the movement's ability to achieve its goals. Conclusion. I conclude that the inability of the anti‐globalization movement to exclude violent participants will continue to limit its effectiveness given states' increasing willingness to employ repressive tactics indiscriminately.     

走向法庭还是走上街头：超越维权困境的一条行动路径

制度外抗争与制度内法律维权有着显著不同的结果和制度逻辑。现有文献中的“依法抗争”或“以法抗争”可以通过制度外或者制度边缘的集体行动获得政府及时的反应,但却有着多重困境：机会困境、风险困境、组织困境、制度困境。制度内法律维权可以很大程度上破解这些困境,但也有着该模式下独特的结果困境：费时费力而又缺乏即时直接的回报困扰或者阻碍制度内法律维权者去为了获得长期的有益于整个群体的普遍性制度化后果采取行动。但本研究中的业主维权行动在一定程度上破解了这一困境。他们的制度内维权行动让法律在实践中最大可能地运转了起来,从而超越了传统维权的困境。独特的政治机会结构和制度内维权本身所具有的特征,促进一些群体走向法庭,而非走上街头。     

街头·行为·艺术: 性别权利倡导和抗争行动形式库的创新

2012年被媒体称为中国“女权行动元年”。通过考察这一年发生的“占领男厕所”、“受伤的新娘”、“上海地铁反性骚扰”和“光头姐抗议教育部”等产生广泛社会影响的性别事件,文章分析了街头行为艺术作为一种新的抗争行动手法在当代中国社会的形成和发展。相比近年来抗争政治研究整体蓬勃发展的局面,国内学界对抗争行动形式库的研究较为缺乏。本文首先对这一领域的理论视角和相关研究进行了梳理和评述,然后简要呈现街头行为艺术在中国抗争政治景观中的兴起。文章的主体部分围绕这一抗争行动手法的三个关键词——街头、行为和艺术,结合近年倡导性别平权街头行动的实证资料,详细阐述了它们各自对于抗争行动的意义及其对实施效果的影响。最后,文章提出从政策改变、参与动员和文化变迁三个层面,评估运用街头行为艺术进行诉求表达和政策倡导的成效。     

Social Movement Identity: Validating a Measure of Identification with the Environmental Movement*

Objective. We offer an empirical measure of “social movement identity” vis‐à‐vis the environmental movement. Our measure of environmental movement identity complements existing efforts to measure the ambiguous concept of “environmental identity.” Methods. We utilize data from a 2000 Gallup Poll of 1,004 adults to examine relationships between our measure of environmental movement identity and self‐reported membership in environmental organizations, assessments of the environmental movement, and self‐reported pro‐environmental behaviors. Results. The measure appears to have face validity, and our results suggest it also has construct and predictive validity since it is related to environmental organization memberships, assessments of the environmental movement, and self‐reported pro‐environmental behaviors—even when controlling for relevant sociopolitical characteristics. Conclusions. The measure is useful for analyses of the environmental movement, can be adapted for research on other movements, and can help social movement analysts respond to calls to investigate linkages between public opinion and movement dynamics.     

Partisan Gerrymandering and the Voting Rights Act*

Objective. The goal of the study is to empirically assess the extent of partisan and incumbent gerrymandering in the 2000 congressional redistricting. Critics of congressional redistricting have argued that recent partisan gerrymandering severely undermines electoral competitiveness to the point of violating constitutional equal protection standards. Method. We first analyze the legal precedents and arguments central to the contemporary redistricting debate. We then analyze district‐level data measuring the change in a congressional incumbent's presidential party vote share before and after the 2000 redistricting. We conduct regression analyses that test for partisan and incumbent gerrymandering effects with an eye toward noting implications for the Voting Rights Act, particularly majority‐minority districting. Results. We find that recent redistricting significantly contributed to a further decline in electoral competitiveness; however, most of this decline in competitiveness came through incumbency protection, not partisan gerrymandering. Majority‐minority districts lost about 5 percent incumbent party vote share, though only 3 percent in southern states. Conclusion. Given these results, we conclude that the logic of partisan gerrymandering is at variance with the mandate of racial redistricting. One effect of establishing a strict judicial standard limiting statewide partisan biases would be to restrict states' capacity to draw majority‐minority districts.     

The Negative Effects of Populism on Gay and Lesbian Rights*

Objective. The objective of this article is to examine the degree to which populist features of state governments affect minority interests, particularly gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (GLB) Method. We examine the effects of specific institutional features that affect state government responsiveness to majority preferences on GLB policies: bans on same‐sex marriage and hate crime. We also control for variations in political environment. Results. Features that increase popular control over policy making and policymakers advance anti‐GLB policies but have little effect on pro‐GLB policies; however, legislative term limits have the opposite effect. Further, constituency size and senators' term length increases both types of policies. Conclusions. The findings indicate that an unpopular minority is likely to be harmed by populist features that increase the role of citizens and may be helped by features that shield legislators from majoritarian preferences.     

A National Governance Perspective on the Transformation of Rural Property Rights: The Chinese Experience*

Property rights have multiple attributes, and these are correlated with national governance. In the West, property rights have the economic function of maximizing efficiency and the political function of rights protection, but in China, they also have a strong social character. With the modernization of national governance, these functions interact with and transform each other. When the state’s ability to supply public goods is relatively weak, property rights take on more of a social character, meeting public demand for welfare at the grassroots level. When the state is better able to provide public goods, the social function of property rights lessens as their economic function grows. The social character of property rights was the institutional foundation for China, as a huge agrarian state, to realize “governance through inaction,” and at the same time was the secret key that could break the code to the millennial continuity of Chinese agrarian civilization. Reforms including the collectivization of rural property rights after 1949, the “separation of two rights” (to collective ownership and household contracted land, with a focus on the latter), and the “separation of three rights,” (to collective ownership, household contracts and revitalized land management). These changes constitute a process in which the economic function of property rights has been growing while their social character has lessened under conditions of national governance modernization.     

Explaining Public Support for the Environmental Movement: A Civic Voluntarism Model*

Objective. The literature on environmentalism includes many more studies of environmental concern than of the public's practical support for the environmental movement. This article develops several categories of predictors of such support from the civic voluntarism model of Verba and associates. Methods. These predictors are tested with data from the 2000 General Social Survey, which included a special module of items on environmental attitudes and activities. Results. Findings generally suggest the utility of the civic voluntarism model for explaining public support for the environmental movement. Additional analysis attempts to untangle reasons for gender and racial differences in the level of this support. Conclusion. This study elucidates several predictors of practical support by the U.S. public for the environmental movement that merit further attention. Such research should pay attention to the proper operationalization of the kind of movement participation studied here.     

Partisan Cleavages in the Importance of Citizenship Rights and Responsibilities*

Objective. Research indicates partisan polarization on a number of social and moral attitudes. However, it is unclear whether a similar polarization can be found regarding citizenship norms, a question we investigate. Methods. Using 2004 GSS data, we examine regression results analyzing citizens' beliefs about a wide range of citizenship duties and rights based on their partisan identity. Results. Democrats and Republicans differ little in regard to many key rights and duties, such as the importance of voting and the right to equal treatment by the government. However, compared to Republicans, Democrats attach more importance to social duties and rights for political participation and for minority groups. Independents are most distinctive, placing much less importance on political duties and social rights of equality and an adequate standard of living, particularly in comparison to Democrats. Conclusion. The majority of Americans share a common set of citizenship norms. Yet, some differences occur along partisan lines, and Independents hold weaker citizenship norms compared to Republicans and Democrats.