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Objective. Sense of appreciation for the work one does contributes to subjective well‐being and relational satisfaction, but few studies examine the factors that may affect levels of recognition for household labor. We formulate and test hypotheses based on the effort‐reward imbalance model in occupational health research to investigate the extent to which married women feel that the work they do around the house is appreciated. Methods. We use data from a sample of married women from the 1987–1988 National Survey of Families and Households to test these hypotheses. Results. We find that wives' absolute time spent in housework and the share they do are both important in shaping their perception of appreciation for housework. Women who hold relatively liberal attitudes toward gender roles and those who have more options outside marriage are less likely to feel appreciated. Finally, wives who often share time with their husbands tend to report higher levels of gratitude for their work at home than those who do so rarely. Conclusions. This study suggests that the literature on psychological and relational outcomes of household labor should go beyond amounts and divisions of housework to include beliefs about roles, couples' dependency, and their relationship. 相似文献
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Objective. This study assesses the pace of cultural assimilation of Mexican Americans by comparing changes in their gender‐role attitudes over generations to the European‐origin U.S. mainstream. Methods. Using cumulative data from the 1972–2004 General Social Survey, we examine the rate at which progressive generations of Mexican Americans approach the mainstream gender‐role attitudes. We also employ a set of logistic regressions to assess the differences in gender‐role attitudes between Mexican and European Americans. Results. For five out of the eight gender‐role‐related questions considered in the study, Mexican Americans of the third or later generations show more liberal or egalitarian gender‐role attitudes than those of the first or second generations. A comparison between Mexican and European Americans suggests that Mexican Americans in the sample have more conservative gender‐role attitudes than European Americans in terms of division of labor at home and women's participation in politics. Conclusion. Mexican Americans become more likely to adopt egalitarian gender‐role attitudes as generation progresses. The differences between Mexican and European Americans in terms of gender‐role attitudes are sensitive to the particular domains of attitudes under consideration. 相似文献
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Adam Chamberlain 《Social science quarterly》2011,92(2):384-403
Objective. In this study, the “racial threat” and “racial contact” hypotheses are evaluated in relation to voting for the Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the North during the 1840s. Methods. Regression models are used to predict the effect of county‐level black populations on Liberty and Free Soil vote percentages in relation to types of employment. Results. Racial threat occurred in high manufacturing counties, but racial contact/threat emerged in more agricultural counties. The effects vary by party and region of the North. Conclusion. The effects of racial context on political behavior during this era are mixed, much like modern political studies have uncovered. 相似文献
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《Social Sciences in China》2002,(4)
本文认为,与中国改革开放以来就业结构和劳动力市场发育的趋势相一致,总体上说,加入WTO对就业的效应以正面为主。但是对就业机会的影响,则必需分部门和行业进行研究。加入WTO受到冲击最大的是农业,而对农业的影响主要不是体现在就业,而是体现在收入上,因此影响会存在巨大的地区差异。对第二产业的影响虽然有正有负,但综合效应仍然会使第二产业的就业机会增加。加入WTO受益最大的是第三产业,其中就业机会增加较多的行业主要包括零售批发和餐饮业、金融保险业和其他社会服务业。 相似文献
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Joseph A. Aistrup 《Social science quarterly》2010,91(4):906-927
Objective. This study develops and tests a model of political regionalism that posits that if regions are politically exceptional, then individuals sharing the same profile but living in these different regions will have divergent presidential voting patterns ( King, 1996 ). Methods. Analyzing presidential voting behavior from 1952 to 2004, I use logistic regression techniques to test a regional model of homogeneity (southern exceptionalism) versus a unit model of homogeneity (South and Non‐South are statistically similar). Results. The findings show that the South's presidential voting patterns are exceptional in the 1950s and during the civil rights era but, starting in the Reagan era, southern exceptionalism waned. These findings also show that the South is converging with the non‐South (northernization) relative to the influences of race, family income, union membership, in‐migrants, and gender, and the non‐South is converging with the South (southernization) relative to the influences of education, blue‐collar workers, and age. Conclusions. Both economic class and race variables contribute to the demise of regional exceptionalism; however, race plays a more persistent role. Given the process of “southernization” and the instability of the predictors of presidential voting for the South over time, I conclude that the study of the South as a region should continue until the process of change subsides and a new equilibrium is found. 相似文献
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Dutch immigration and integration policies are being interpreted and implemented by local street‐level bureaucrats. We carried out 28 semi‐structured interviews with integration coaches, integration teachers and client managers in order to understand the dilemmas they face, and to explain their subsequent behaviour. The results show that although organizational characteristics such as the bureaucratic burden made street‐level bureaucrats reluctant to enlarge their discretionary space at the expense of policy rules, their willingness to help clients often transcends these boundaries under a combination of three conditions: high client motivation, extreme personal distress of the client, and negative assessment of existing policies and policy instruments (both in terms of fairness and practicality). Furthermore, street‐level bureaucrats were found to be constantly reinterpreting and revising their roles. 相似文献
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Linda Pickard 《Social Policy & Administration》2001,35(4):441-458
This article examines three policy statements on informal carers published in the UK in 1999—the National Strategy for Carers, the report of the Royal Commission on Long Term Care and the note of dissent by two members of the Royal Commission. These three documents contain two rather different approaches to policy for carers. On the one hand, the National Strategy and note of dissent emphasize respite care or short-term breaks for carers, and are concerned with sustaining the well-being of carers as well as ensuring the continuation of caring itself. The Royal Commission, on the other hand, emphasizes support for the older or disabled person who is being cared for, as a means of supporting the carer, and advocates carer-blind services. It is argued that this policy contains within it the potential to substitute for or replace the carer and that this represents a radical new departure for social policy for carers in the UK. The advantages and disadvantages of the two policy approaches are explored. It is argued that policies for carers should include both services specifically for carers, like breaks from caring, and services provided for the cared-for person, like domestic and personal care services. Wider issues about the proper boundary between family and state care are explored. 相似文献
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Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office. 相似文献
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Documented associations between academic and social functioning have been inconsistent. These discrepancies may reflect the moderating role of sociocultural context. In this study, we examined ethnicity and gender as moderators of this relation. We collected peer nominations, GPA from school records, and self‐report questionnaires for 519 Vietnamese‐American and Mexican‐American middle school students (mean age = 12.7 years). Using general linear modeling, we found that academic and social functioning were more strongly and positively linked for Vietnamese‐Americans relative to Mexican‐Americans, and for girls relative to boys. We also examined group differences in achievement values, and found that Vietnamese‐Americans were more likely to admire and be friends with high‐achieving peers. The results suggest that peers provide one context in which ethnic and gender differences in achievement values emerge, and interventions aimed at reducing the achievement gap may benefit from incorporating a focus on peers. 相似文献
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This paper examines the organisation of income of cohabiting and married dual‐income couples. This topic has gained significance as women increase their participation in the labour force, and increasingly bring additional money into the household. Given the increase in cohabitation, researchers have proposed that financial arrangements may differ according to relationship type. We model the effect of relationship type and previous relationship experience using data from a nationally‐representative survey from Australia. The effect of other factors related to the individual and household, such as length of relationship, educational background, home ownership and presence of children, is also explored. We find income organisation varies by whether the person is legally married or cohabiting, which we attribute to the institution of marriage. 相似文献
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The empowerment and participation of children and families in both the design and the delivery of services oriented towards them is now an accepted norm, if not always the accepted practice. Yet, challenges still remain, particularly where parents are separated and contact issues are problematic. Although contact centres are common in some Western countries including Australia, New Zealand, the UK, France, and the USA, this is not the case in the Republic of Ireland. The relatively recent introduction of divorce, increases in separation and childbirth outside of marriage have led to the need for service planners to respond to the growing issue of non‐resident contact with children. Using Bovaird's co‐production framework, the purpose of this paper is to outline and discuss specific findings relating to service user involvement emanating from a formative evaluation of an innovative supported contact service in Ireland. What emerges from the findings is a picture of co‐production where the broad parameters of the service are professionally defined and where the specifics of service user involvement in delivery vary from family to family but within the bounds of professional control. 相似文献
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Past research has demonstrated that relationships with peers and parents play salient roles in various child outcomes. However, little research has examined the confluence of these two factors in the context of peer victimization. In particular, little is known about which family and parental factors mitigate or intensify the impact of adverse peer relations. The current study bridged this gap by testing whether maternal support and family conflict moderated the association between peer victimization and antisocial behavior. Moderation effects were found for girls but not boys. Cross‐lagged path analyses of nationally representative longitudinal data (N = 1046; 53 percent boys; Time 1: Mage = 10.7) showed that, among girls, higher levels of maternal warmth and mother–child communication significantly attenuated the link between early peer victimization and later antisocial outcomes. By contrast, greater family conflict significantly increased antisocial outcomes among girls who experienced peer victimization. For boys, early peer victimization significantly predicted antisocial outcomes, regardless of parenting and family factors. All findings remained significant even after controlling for preexisting antisocial tendencies and demographic factors, as well as for the stability of victimization in the model. 相似文献
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Do depressive symptoms in justice‐involved girls reduce the effects of a cognitive‐behavioral program on their disruptive and delinquent behaviors? 下载免费PDF全文
Nadine Lanctôt Stéphane Hauth‐Charlier Annie Lemieux 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2015,24(2):193-203
The present study evaluated the effects of a cognitive‐behavioral program on disruptive and delinquent behaviors among a sample of adolescent girls placed in a residential center in Quebec (Canada). This study also investigated the moderating impact of depressive symptoms on program effectiveness. The study used a quasi‐experimental design to allow comparisons between 104 girls in the treatment group and 78 girls in the comparison group over 18 months. Findings showed that the program contributed significantly, albeit modestly, to a decline in some forms of disruptive/delinquent behaviors. Results also indicated that girls with a higher level of depressive symptoms at admission also reported higher involvement in a myriad of disruptive/delinquent behaviors and that for some types of problem behaviors, this higher involvement persisted over time. In general, however, the seriousness of the depressive symptoms that the girls reported at admission did not interfere with the effectiveness of the cognitive‐behavioral program. 相似文献