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1.
By using the integrated assessment model RICE this article carries out a scenario analysis with different assumptions about international negotiations on climate change, in particular hypothesising about reduction in targets for greenhouse gas emissions, technology transfers and financial transfer programmes. It finds that, in terms of growth, developing countries and in particular sub‐Saharan Africa will benefit from agreements that reduce the level of pollution and promote technological diffusion. Moreover, when developed countries are subject to emissions limits and poor regions have no such commitments, financial transfers from rich to developing countries for adaptation and mitigation enhance pro‐poor growth and help the effectiveness of poor countries in reducing emissions.  相似文献   

2.
Over the last 5 years, the U.S. Congress has voted on several pieces of legislation intended to sharply reduce the nation's greenhouse gas emissions. Given that climate change is a world public bad, standard economic logic would predict that the United States would “free ride” and wait for other nations to reduce their emissions. Within the Congress, there are clear patterns to who votes in favor of mitigating greenhouse gas emissions. This paper presents a political economy analysis of the determinants of “pro‐green” votes on such legislation. Conservatives consistently vote against such legislation. Controlling for a representative's ideology, representatives from richer districts and districts with a lower per‐capita carbon dioxide footprint are more likely to vote in favor of climate change mitigation legislation. Representatives from districts where industrial emissions represent a larger share of greenhouse gas emissions are more likely to vote no. (JEL Q54, Q58, R50)  相似文献   

3.
In this article, I analyse the corporate hegemonic structures of power underlying the project of climate capitalism. I present climate capitalism as an emerging regime of accumulation founded on carbon markets and the ecological modernization of production, which could replace the prevalent carboniferous capitalist regime and provide a deeply needed reduction of carbon emissions. I map out the network of corporate‐funded climate and environmental policy groups participating in climate capitalist knowledge production and mobilization to provide a critical appraisal of the possibility of such a transition. The positioning of these policy groups allows them to play a crucial role as intermediaries between regional and sectoral corporate interests and they provide a crucial link between energy and financial firms. However, energy–finance linkages are sparse, and a small number of individual capitalists carry a relatively thin network from the fossil fuel and nuclear sectors. These findings cast doubt on the hypothesis that a strong climate capitalist coalition is emerging.  相似文献   

4.
In recent years there has been a widespread perception of climate change as a growing threat to security, both at the individual level and at the international level. This increased attention is mainly due to scientific research, which indicates that climate change is a process already underway, with observable facts and potentially serious consequences. Moreover, according to some scholars, even the immediate implementation of stringent mitigation measures—i.e. reducing greenhouse gas emissions—would not contain the effects of climate change in coming decades, making it necessary to combine the efforts of mitigation policies targeted for the prevention of major threats. Are there any chances for climate stabilization to be sustainable with the economic growth required under a capitalist system? On the one hand, climate environmentalists raise concerns about the risks associated with global warming. On the other hand, leading economists’ main concern is to foster economic growth, thus, a trade off is advocated. In fact, policy-makers are unlikely to impose a burden on the economic growth of their own country in order to meet the targets imposed by the international climate change agreements. This work intends to identify and suggest a framework for climate policies, with the aim to maximize social consensus, through an integration of the issues raised by both disputing fields. A proposed solution is to take into consideration an additional GDP driver, the so-called human capital that would allow a social change.  相似文献   

5.
Climate change and environmental issues have been increasingly in the forefront of the media and government agendas. However, despite much discussion and fanfare, little has been done in the way of serious commitment and clear course of actions since the adoption of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in 1992 to bring carbon emissions to sustainable levels. To tackle the immensity of the climate change challenge, a paradigm shift in understanding is necessary to balance the course of global human development with energy demand and consumption patterns. Accounting for over 40% of global energy demand and more than 30% of greenhouse gas emissions, the building sector offers the greatest mitigation potential for reducing carbon emissions in both the short and long term, with positive implications for a range of associated sectors and industries. Promoting behavioral change among end-users for reduced energy consumption as well as encouraging the building industry to embrace sustainable design, low-carbon construction practices and materials, and renewable technologies, is fundamental to mitigating the impact of the built environment on planetary biospheres and preserving quality of life for generations to come. This paper starts by drawing attention to the building sector and related EU policy, outlining the challenges and opportunities for reducing energy consumption and carbon emission levels. Such policy provides the essential framework to engage stakeholders and allow supporting factors to foster progress in the sector. The paper contends that information on climate change has not led to significant improvements in meeting global targets and that what is needed is behavioral change among individuals and society as a whole. On the basis of research project experiences and literature review, it puts forth and explores five key elements contributing to behavioral change for reduced energy consumption and lower carbon emissions in the building sector, focused on: information and education; financial incentives and energy services; modern technologies and sustainable design; social and community norms; and biophilia (contact with the natural environment). The paper suggests opportunities for further research and concludes with recommendations for policy-makers and related stakeholders.  相似文献   

6.
This article discusses some of the effects of NAFTA on women workers in Canada and Mexico. The main purpose is to show that NAFTA represents a continuation of the capitalist dynamic, which is characterized by the enormous mobility of capital across countries and regions, and which privileges the search for profit. Through an analysis of the labour conditions in Canadian and Mexican manufacturing, the article reveals how this new capitalist period has produced de-industrialization in developed countries while depressing labour conditions in both developed and developing countries. The study indicates that women workers most affected in this process are those working in industries (especially the clothing industry) that seek to reduce their costs of production in order to remain competitive in national and international markets. In addition, those working in regions important to transnational industries, such as the Mexican Free Zones where maquiladoras abound are also seriously affected.  相似文献   

7.
中国和印度都相当依赖高碳含量化石燃料。本文阐述两国向低碳能源转型的意义,它不仅能减轻对气候变化的负面影响’,还能令经济增长。文中涉及3个案例——中国的电力部门、北京的经济部门以及印度农村还没通电的家庭——它们都减少了排放温室气体和使用能源,但却增加了成本。可见要为气候友好型低碳经济作出贡献,是需要资金支持和技术转移的。  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

At the 21st session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change held in Paris, France, 30 November to 11 December 2015, an Agreement was reached by the international community including 195 countries. The Agreement has been hailed, by participants and the media, as a major turning point for policy in the struggle to address human-induced climate change. The following is a short critical commentary in which I briefly explain why the Paris Agreement changes nothing. I highlight how the Agreement has been reached by removing almost all substantive issues concerning the causes of human-induced climate change and offers no firm plans of action. Instead of substantive cuts in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, as soon as possible, the intentions of the parties promise escalation of damages and treat worst-case scenarios as an acceptable 50:50 chance. The Paris Agreement signifies commitment to sustained industrial growth, risk management over disaster prevention, and future inventions and technology as saviour. The primary commitment of the international community is to maintain the current social and economic system. The result is denial that tackling GHG emissions is incompatible with sustained economic growth. The reality is that Nation States and international corporations are engaged in an unremitting and ongoing expansion of fossil fuel energy exploration, extraction and combustion, and the construction of related infrastructure for production and consumption. The targets and promises of the Paris Agreement bear no relationship to biophysical or social and economic reality.  相似文献   

9.
This study employs social network analysis to map the Canadian network of carbon‐capital corporations whose boards interlock with key knowledge‐producing civil society organizations, including think tanks, industry associations, business advocacy organizations, universities, and research institutes. We find a pervasive pattern of carbon‐sector reach into these domains of civil society, forming a single, connected network that is centered in Alberta yet linked to the central‐Canadian corporate elite through hegemonic capitalist organizations, including major financial companies. This structure provides the architecture for a “soft” denial regime that acknowledges climate change while protecting the continued flow of profit to fossil fuel and related companies.  相似文献   

10.
A recurring theme across the social sciences is that non‐capitalist production is disappearing albeit slowly and unevenly, and is being replaced by a commodified economy in which goods and services are produced by capitalist firms for a profit under conditions of market exchange. In this paper, however, I evaluate critically this commodification thesis. Even in the heartland of commoditisation ‐ the advanced economies. Large economic spaces are identified where alternative economic relations and motives prevail. Rather than view them as leftovers of pre‐capitalist formations, this paper argues that they are the result of both the contradictions inherent in the structural shifts associated with the pursuit of commodification as well as the existence of‘cultures of resistance’, As such, they are viewed as 'spaces of hope’which highlight the demonstrable construction and practice of alternative social relations and logic's of work outside profit‐motivated market‐oriented exchange.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

Contemporary climate change politics, dominated by neoliberal and ecological modernization framings, has reached an impasse. This article utilizes literature on the environment and employment relations to interrogate the largely neglected field of trade union activities on climate change. The main findings are that some trade union climate representatives (‘green representatives’) in some sectors have made an independent contribution to climate mitigation and adaptation strategies in the workplace. There is evidence of trade unions instigating transformation change and expanding climate awareness in the workplace. The principal conclusions are that workers have the interest and collective capacity to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, to address the differential impacts of climate and climate policy, and to coalesce workers to tackle climate change. The recent experience of UK trade unions suggests they have a vital role to play as climate actors and, suitably reconfigured, the capability to renew their role in the twenty-first century.  相似文献   

12.
Anthony Giddens' The Politics of Climate Change represents a significant shift in the way in which he addresses ecological politics. In this book, he rejects the relevance of environmentalism and demarcates climate‐change policy from life politics. Giddens addresses climate change in the technocratic mode of simple rather than reflexive modernization. However, Giddens' earlier sociological theory provides the basis for a more reflexive understanding of climate change. Climate change instantiates how, in high modernity, the existential contradiction of the human relationship with nature returns in new form, expressed in life politics and entangled with the structural contradictions of the capitalist state. The interlinking of existential and structural contradiction is manifested in the tension between life politics and the capitalist nation‐state. This tension is key for understanding the failures so far of policy responses to climate change.  相似文献   

13.
This article discusses the carbon accounting and carbon‐labelling schemes being developed to address growing concerns over climate change. Its particular concern is their impact on small stakeholders, especially low‐income countries. The popular belief that trade is by definition problematic is not true; carbon efficiencies elsewhere in the supply chain may more than offset emissions from transportation. Indeed, low‐income countries may offer important opportunities for carbon emission reductions because of their favourable climatic conditions and use of low energy‐intensive production techniques. However, their effective inclusion in labelling schemes will require innovative solutions to provide low‐cost data collection and certification.  相似文献   

14.
Book review     
This article draws a parallel between two different but related debates in international political economy: first, the (Marxist) argument that if there is one thing worse than being exploited in capitalist society, it is not being exploited; second, the argument that developing countries are poor because they are insufficiently globalized. The paper challenges the second argument outright and suggests that the first is too simplistic, and does so by focusing on the question of dualism. In discussing the globalization of manufacturing production, the article demonstrates the reality of continued hierarchies in the world economy, and how these undermine dualist accounts of insufficient exploitation and/or globalization. Finally, I draw some conclusions based on an alternative understanding of globalization and labour.  相似文献   

15.
The emergence of a significant manufacturing sector is no index of a social formation's shift to independent economic development. South Africa's path of industrialisation since the Second World War shows precisely the opposite. Industrial growth has been predicated on the reproduction of forms of capitalist production whose shape and rhythm of change are set in the advanced capitalist countries. Thus, South Africa's trajectory of accumulation in the recent phase may be characterised as ‘dependent industrialisation’. This is clearly seen in the domination of manufacturing industry by high‐technology, monopoly interests, closely interlinked with foreign investors and the state.  相似文献   

16.
With the expanded use of immigration detention and migration management practices worldwide, detention has emerged as a key issue for United Nations and international human rights institutions. A growing international rights movement seeks to make the practice fairer and more humane, leading to the dominance of a mainstream detention rights agenda and counter‐hegemonic system of governance. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Geneva and elsewhere, this article examines the capital, knowledge, and technological expertise that went into the construction of UNHCR's Global Detention Strategy. I highlight the rational calculation undergirding this global detention rights agenda, including the transnational policy networks of NGOs, INGOs, and academics that facilitate the movement's moral authority and capitalist growth. Their practices have become powerful neoliberal development tools, which give veracity to human rights agendas and attract oppositionally‐figured abolitionist praxis.  相似文献   

17.
Barry Gills 《Globalizations》2020,17(6):885-902
ABSTRACT

This Special Editorial on the Climate Emergency makes the case that although we are living in the time of Global Climate Emergency we are not yet acting as if we are in an imminent crisis. The authors review key aspects of the institutional response and climate science over the past several decades and the role of the economic system in perpetuating inertia on reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. Humanity is now the primary influence on the planet, and events in and around COP24 are the latest reminder that we live in a pathological system. A political economy has rendered the UNFCCC process as yet a successful failure. Fundamental change is urgently required. The conclusions contain recommendations and a call to action now.  相似文献   

18.
Using data from 62 U.S. industries for 1984–2000, this article explores the connections between shareholder value strategies, such as mergers and layoffs, and related industry‐level changes, such as de‐unionization, computer technology, and profitability. In line with shareholder value arguments, mergers occurred in industries with low profits, and industries where mergers were active subsequently saw an increase in layoffs. Industries with a high level of mergers increased investment in computer technology. This technology displaced workers through layoffs and was focused on reducing unionized workforces. Contrary to shareholder value arguments, there is no evidence that mergers or layoffs returned industries to profitability.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines the long‐term ability of Tunisian industries to generate employment opportunities. Using a panel data set of 15 industries over 1983–2010, the authors estimate their long‐run output–employment elasticities, using the “mean group” estimator. They argue that economic policy should target the most labour‐intensive industries, particularly service industries and export manufacturing industries. After demonstrating the inability of the mining industry to absorb labour, the authors highlight the long‐run jobless growth in the hotel, bar and restaurant industry and suggest that future investment in this industry will yield no results and that future tourism policy should focus rather on para‐tourism activities.  相似文献   

20.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has published guidelines for the development of national greenhouse gas-emissions inventories and recommendations for collecting data necessary to calculate greenhouse gas emissions. Many regional and local jurisdictions will be performing inventories of greenhouse gas emissions and estimating the benefits of mitigation strategies to reduce emissions. This article advocates the development of relational databases to calculate and store emissions estimates based on IPCC guidelines and quantities of precursors of greenhouse gases. Specific examples of tables and queries are used to illustrate calculation methods and formulae, the choice of database keys, and the choice of methods for joining tables to construct queries.  相似文献   

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