ALLIANCES IN THE SHADOW OF CONFLICT

Victorious alliances often fight about the spoils of war. This article presents an experiment on the determinants of whether alliances break up and fight internally after having defeated a joint enemy. First, if peaceful sharing yields an asymmetric rent distribution, this increases the likelihood of fighting. In turn, anticipation of the higher likelihood of internal fight reduces the alliance's ability to succeed against the outside enemy. Second, the option to make nonbinding nonaggression declarations between alliance members does not make peaceful settlement within the alliance more likely. Third, higher differences in the alliance players' contributions to alliance effort lead to more internal conflict and more intense fighting. (JEL D72, D74)     

THE CORRELATES OF HEALTHY FAMILY FUNCTIONING: THE ROLE OF CONSENSUS AND CONFLICT IN THE PRACTICE OF FAMILY THERAPY

The present study explores the relative importance of individual, dyadic and triadic measures of intrafamily functioning in predicting family health. Using self-report data from 78 families, it was found that dyadic measures pertaining to marital quality and parent-child relationships were more powerful predictors than either individual measures of emotional maturity, anxiety, self-esteem or locus of control, or triadic measures of the families' hierarchical alignments. The study also found that while mothers' and fathers' assessments of intrafamily functioning were more important than the childrens' (except for the childrens' view of parent-child relationships), the parents differed in that marital quality was more important to the mothers' evaluations of the family unit while parent-child relationships were more important to the fathers'. Compositely, the findings suggest that family health is a complex multidimensional phenomenon, and that change in a particular dimension of family life may not necessarily be greeted with consensual validation or repudiation by all family members.     

REGULATION AND CONTROL OF SUBJECTIVITY AND PRIVATE LIFE IN THE CONTEXT OF ARMED CONFLICT IN COLOMBIA1

A qualitative study was carried out in four municipalities in four different conflict zones in Colombia. Intrafamilial violence and gender violence are studied through the testimonies of the people interviewed. The impact was analysed in terms of the exercise of control over the civilian population by paramilitaries in relation to subjectivity, the family, social networks and the prevailing moral order. In effect, the strengthening of barriers between traditional gender identities has enabled a de-structuring of traditional masculinity through moral co-optation, the reinforcement of traditional feminine identity and the objectification of the sexuality of young women, at the same time as they are manipulated sexually and emotionally. In general, strong legitimation of the model of the armed fighter as a paradigm of masculinity is found in children. In addition, the de-structuring of the family and its manipulation as a means of influence over civil society is one of the strategies employed for the installation of a regime of terror that fractures social networks. It does this through the erosion of confidence and the legitimation and mystification of the power of an actor whose mediation in inter-family and micro-social conflicts has been legitimated, instrumentalizing and scaling up traditional violence, taking advantage of the power vacuum and moral weaknesses in local culture.     

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN THE SHADOW OF CONFLICT

Appropriation possibilities significantly alter economic fundamentals in a production and exchange economy. This is the primary lesson of our model, which combines Ricardian trade and the potential for predator/prey behavior. The model shows how conflict can be subdued by mutual gains from trade, but at a resource cost that modifies the exchange itself. On the other hand, it identifies conditions wherein appropriation incentives are so strong that specialized production and trade are precluded altogether. The model also reveals a new way to think about and measure the gains from trade. ( JEL C72, D51, D74, F10)     

MORALITY AND WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT IN THE LIVES OF POOR AND LOW-INCOME WOMEN

Contemporary understandings of work and family are largely based on middle-class women's experience, whereas poverty and welfare researchers focus on the economic struggles of single female-headed families. This qualitative study examines the cultural and moral forces underlying the tension between paid work and family responsibilities through the experience of poor and low-income women. Interview data reveal that as expected, the conditions of poverty and welfare shape work and family decisions. Yet, choices about work and family entail moral and emotional commitments defined through powerful gendered cultural schemas. Providing financially for children reflects a strong work ethic and moral worth corresponding to a masculine model of individual responsibility privileging self-sufficiency and independence. This is challenged by a shared moral imperative that mother's primary responsibility is the care of children. This examination is important for researchers in understanding the moral and emotional salience of gender in shaping the work and family lives of poor and low-income women.     

ENDOGENOUS DESTRUCTION IN CONFLICT: THEORY AND EXTENSIONS

This article develops a general equilibrium model of conflict to characterize the implications of endogenous destruction for bargaining and fighting. Specifically, we consider the scenario where two contending parties engage in bargaining to avoid fighting when there are direct costs (e.g., arms buildups) and indirect costs (e.g., destruction to consumable resources) of conflict. Without imposing specific functional form restrictions on conflict, production, and destruction technologies, we show their interactions in determining an optimal decision between fighting and bargaining. We find that, under the shadow of conflict, bargaining is costly as the contending parties always allocate more resources to arming for guarding settlement through bargaining than in the event of fighting. In contrast to conventional thinking that bargaining is Pareto superior over fighting, we show conditions under which fighting dominates bargaining as the Nash equilibrium choice. The positive analysis may help explain the general causes of fighting, without resorting to the assumption of incomplete information or misperceptions. (JEL D74, H56, C7)     

TREATMENT OF MARITAL CONFLICT AND PREVENTION OF DIVORCE

This paper provides a review of previous literature reviews on the effectiveness of marital therapy and evaluates the long-term efficacy of couples therapy in preventing marital separation and divorce. There is general agreement that marital therapy can be effective in reducing marital conflict and promoting marital satisfaction, at least in the short term. Research examining the long-term efficacy of couples therapy for the prevention of marital separation and divorce is sparse but promising with respect to its effectiveness in promoting marital stability. Predictors of successful marital therapy outcomes, the clinical significance of marital therapy outcomes, and the cost effectiveness of marital therapy are also discussed.     

INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT AND OPINION CHANGE IN NEW ZEALAND

Conflict between groups, including nations, seemingly leadsto solidarity among the people in each collectivity. Testingthis proposition at the international level is difficult owingto methodological problems of data gathering. This paper reportsupon the impact of an international controversy upon nationalopinion consolidation. After the New Zealand government bannednuclear-capable ships from the country, the United States retaliatedthrough public denunciation of this action and mild sanctions.Poll information suggests that, as a result of this dispute,New Zealanders put aside their preexisting political and socialdifferences on the issue of nuclear weapons in their countryand rallied behind their government. Over time, however, thisconsolidation effect shows signs of disintegration: social and,especially, political cleavages have begun again to discriminateopinion on the question of nuclear weapons in New Zealand.     

THE FUTURE OF PUBLIC MEDIA CULTURES

This paper seeks to tie in the arguments that can be connected to the development of a global media culture and concerns around cosmopolitan forms of democracy. This is done by considering arguments for: (i) a global human right initiative in respect of global media conglomerates; (ii) technological change in respect of digital cultures; and (iii) the arrival of what Castells'shas described as the culture of 'real virtuality'. These views and perspectives are assessed in terms of the contributions they are likely to make towards what I call a 'cautious cosmopolitanism'. Finally I seek to make some definite policy recommendations that might help foster conditions in which cosmopolitan democracy could flourish.