American trade unions and public approval: Can unions please all of the people all of the time?

Public opinion about labor unions has long been viewed as an important determinant of industrial relations outcomes. Yet, analyses of changes in union popularity over time have been largely qualitative and have focused on the impact of short-term idiosyncratic events. This paper provides a quantitative analysis of the determinants of American public approval of unions from 1936 to 1991. Hypotheses relating to the union wage advantage, strike activity, the national unemployment rate, and World War II, receive the strongest support. The implications of these results for organized labor and future research on attitudes toward unions are discussed.     

COMMUNICATION AND INCENTIVE MECHANISMS BASED ON GROUP PERFORMANCE: AN EXPERIMENTAL STUDY OF NONPOINT POLLUTION CONTROL

This article considers whether communication can improve the efficacy of incentive mechanisms designed to correct the problem of moral hazard in groups. In particular, we use experimental economics methods to study environmental targeting instruments proposed by Segerson (1988) for regulating a group of nonpoint source polluters based on ambient concentrations. We find that communication greatly affects group performance, enhancing the efficiency of instruments involving fixed fines but leading to overcompliance, and hence inefficiency, in marginal tax/subsidy instruments. These results have implications for future theoretical development of group performance mechanisms as well as the design of public policies. (JEL H23 , C92 )     

城市公共交通财政补贴方法的改进

分析公交企业的经营特点和财政补贴的必要性,并在剖析传统的公交补贴政策弊端的基础上,提出改进现行补贴政策以及补贴额度的计算方法,并指出公交企业既不能完全市场化,也不能完全依靠政府补贴,而应该在市场化运营的同时,由政府对其公益性的政策性亏损进行补贴。     

SURVEY EVIDENCE ON EXCESSIVE PUBLIC PESSIMISM ABOUT THE FUTURE BEHAVIOR OF UNEMPLOYMENT

Two of the questions in the Surveys of Consumer Attitudes undertakenby the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigandeal with households' expectations about inflation and the changein unemployment. We compare quarterly time series of the meanresponses with the actual behavior of inflation and unemploymentto see whether households are overly optimistic or pessimisticabout the future behavior of inflation and unemployment. Wefind an asymmetry. Over the 21 years of our analysis, on averagethe public is neither overly optimistic nor overly pessimisticabout future inflation. However, the public has been significantlytoo pessimistic about the future behavior of unemployment. Theseresults have an important implication for macroeconomic policy.If politicians respond to complaints from the public about inflationand unemployment they will target policy instruments at unemploymentto a greater extent than if the public was not so pessimisticabout the behavior of unemployment. The result may be a higherrate of inflation than if the public were not mistakenly pessimisticabout the behavior of unemployment.     

The Effect of Tax Policy Choices on the Labor Market on the Perspective of Global Governance

Tax policy transition plays a very important part in global governance, not only for the public operation or social equity, but also for the labor market which is firmly related with social welfare. On the other hand, unemployment has become a serious problem in 2008. Our research focused on the influence of different tax policies on the adjustment of unemployment, and the transition between direct and indirect taxation. This paper starts with conceptual discussion of the theoretical mathematical model and empirical analysis, and finally policy suggestion. Our conclusion varies due to the initial tax policy, but briefly we suggest that direct tax is more beneficial in the job market than indirect tax.      

Explaining differences in the political meaning of unemployment across time and space

This article is a first attempt at theorizing the differences in the political meaning of unemployment and how governments create these differences. It first reviews existing explanations about why unemployment is an especially pressing political threat to those in power. In lieu of a an existing literature on the sources of variation in this threat, the next section puts forward four alternative explanations based on related arguments about politics and the economy. These are the approaches of power resources, protest mobilization, deprivation, and ideology. Guided by the promises and pitfalls of these respective theories, the subsequent section argues for an alternative institutional-constructivist approach. Starting with the historical observation that the category of unemployment was invented alongside particular social institutions and employment practices, this approach seeks to explain how variation in these institutionalized practices is responsible for differences in the political salience of unemployment. The section that follows discusses how government policies can reconstruct the meaning of unemployment by reconfiguring the available set of institutional choices in the labor market and by designating what kinds of choices constitute involuntary joblessness. It is argued that “unemployment” is defined against institutionalized norms of what kinds of work constitute “employment.” Changes in the boundaries of the concept of unemployment come about through changes in the ways that governments hold certain kinds of work as exemplary while granting other forms of work lesser recognition. The final section considers how this reciprocal relationship between the construction of unemployment and employment both imposes political constraints for governments and creates opportunities. Governments face numerous conflicting incentives whether to expand or restrict the institutionalized definition of unemployment. While they must retain semblance with inherited conceptions of unemployment; they can redefine the problem of unemployment through the institutionalization of new solutions.     

Difficulties in Shifting from Individualistic to Socio-political Policy Regarding Disability in Canada

An individualistic conception of disability has been replaced by a socio-political definition. The socio-political model implies that disability stems from the failure of the social environment to adjust to the needs of people with disabilities rather than from the inability of disabled individuals to adapt to societal demands. This paper will examine the extent to which Canadian policies have changed to embrace this new definition. There has been some progress in policies related to shelter, transportation and recreation. However, policies related to income and employment are still individualistic in nature because policy change in these areas requires a major shift in governmental approach to unemployment and fundamental reform of the Social Assistance system. In a period of high unemployment, people with disabilities are viewed as surplus labour, and the Canadian government has found that high unemployment is politically tolerable. Obstacles to an increase in income support include a strong work ethic, the philosophy that social assistance benefits should be less than could be earned in the work-force, and the private insurance and litigation industries which benefit from the current income system. Other barriers to change are the lack of power of disabled groups and the dominance of professionals.     

Did Henry Ford mean to pay efficiency wages?

In the past two decades economists have developed efficiency wage theories, which suggest a link between wage rates and worker productivity, while attempting to explain the existence of involuntary unemployment in equilibrium labor markets. Henry Ford's 1914 announcement of the five-dollar day, an overnight doubling of wage rates, is regularly used as the textbook application of efficiency wage theories put into practice. While previous research demonstrates that the effects of the five-dollar day were largely consistent with those predicted by efficiency wage theories, Ford's wage policy was principally motivated by the fallacious wage-aggregate demand link expressed by the so-called“high-wage doctrine”-a belief that many economists claim significantly contributed to the unemployment problem of the 1930s. In addition to exploring Ford's high-wage motives, I discuss the role Ford's wage statements and policies played in the acceptance and implementation of high-wage public policies during the Great Depression. I appreciate helpful comments from Ranjit Dighe, George Selgin, and participants at the Economic and Business Historical Society meetings.     

Public reporting: A neglected aspect of nonprofit accountability

Nonprofit organizations have a compulsory external accountability (largely involving financial reporting) to government agencies such as the Internal Revenue Service and state regulators. They also have a pragmatic “must‐do” accountability to their funders, clients, and other obvious stakeholders. But are nonprofits also accountable to the public at large? If so, how can such accountability be implemented, given the diffuseness and breadth of the public as an audience? This article suggests that nonprofits should consider the citizenry as a stakeholder, if only due to the substantial taxpayer subsidy of the sector. The theory of public reporting that emerged in public administration literature beginning in the 1920s and 1930s can be helpful. Using principles, templates, and examples from public administration, nonprofit organizations can pursue more vigorous public reporting as one method to increase citizen confidence in their activities and in the sector as a whole.     

Women's Job Loss and Material Hardship

SUMMARY

This research uses data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation to explore the relationship between unemployment and material hardship for women who were employed at the beginning of the 1996 survey panel. Using two-stage logistic regression analysis, we find that, controlling for demographics and initial poverty status, having been or currently being unemployed increases the relative odds of experiencing one or more of six hardship measures by half and doubles the relative likelihood of lacking telephone service or failing to receive needed medical care. Experiences of food insufficiency, inadequate dental care, and loss of or inability to pay for housing increase more than sixty percent with unemployment. Those previously or currently unemployed are also substantially more likely to have difficulty maintaining utility service than the continuously employed. The article concludes with a discussion of policies that would enhance employment tenure and help avoid hardship during unemployment.     

Health Consequences of Laws and Public Policies That Target,or Protect,Marginalized Populations

Laws and public policies that are seemingly unrelated to health, nevertheless, can have health consequences in populations that are targeted, or protected, by that legislation. In this paper, I first review research showing that systems of oppression, such as racism and sexism, can cause negative health outcomes. I next discuss mechanisms underlying the relationship between such systems of oppression and negative health effects. Last, I review research showing that laws and public policies can be seen as components of systems of oppression and, as such, are linked to health outcomes. Some policies and laws I include in my review are anti‐same‐sex marriage bills, punitive immigration laws, stop and frisk policies, and state‐level voter disenfranchisement policies. The link between health outcomes and laws and public policies has implications for the current political climate.     

Using Policy-Relevant Administrative Data in Mixed Methods: A Study of Employment Instability and Parents’ Use of Child Care Subsidies

In the United States, government subsidies help low-income families pay for child care when parents are working, yet policies that tie subsidy eligibility closely to employment may result in frequent disruptions in program participation for families. This paper uses a mixed methods research design that links administrative records on families and children to data collected through surveys and in-depth interviews to examine employment instability and job characteristics of parents using child care subsidies. The results suggest that parents experience substantial employment instability (employment loss and unpredictable schedules) and that exiting the subsidy program is frequently related to employment-related eligibility factors. Overall, the use of administrative data integrated with other methods provides substantial opportunities for researchers to explore complex social phenomenon and provide insights in the evaluation of social programs.     

Measuring relative efficiency of government-sponsored R&D projects: A three-stage approach

Without considering differences in operating environment, traditional methods of efficiency evaluation are suffering from external environmental influences. This study presents an alternative approach for assessing the relative efficiency of government-sponsored research and development projects (GSP). A three-stage approach employing data envelopment analysis to evaluate efficiency and Tobit regression to control external variables was applied to 110 projects over 9 years. This study finds that firm size, industry, and ratio of public subsidy on research and development (R&D) budget of recipient firm significantly influences the technical efficiency of GSP in Taiwan. After controlling these external variables, the mean value of technical efficiency in the third stage increases and becomes significantly different to that in the first stage. Most GSPs increase their returns when their projects are scaled up. Furthermore, government policy makers must establish the upper-limit ratio of subsidies on R&D budgets of recipient firms to avoid inefficient use of public funds.     

Understanding churn: Predictors of reentry among families who leave the child care subsidy program in Maryland

Child care subsidies provide an important work support for low-income families, yet children often receive subsidies for only a short period of time and may cycle on and off the program. Much of the research to date on patterns of subsidy participation has focused on the duration of participation, and less attention has been paid to the dynamics of how often and how quickly children return to the program. This paper uses administrative data from Maryland to analyze the patterns of returns to the subsidy program after a break in subsidized care. We find that half of children who exited the program return to subsidy within five years, and most of those return within a few months. Returns to subsidized care are related to family circumstances, type of care, child age, and program policies related to eligibility redetermination. These factors have differential effects on the probability of returning to the same provider or a different provider, which may have important implications for the stability of children's care.     

Child Care Use and Parental Desire to Switch Care Type Among a Low-Income Population

This study investigates the use of and satisfaction with child care among low-income families, who are those likely to be affected by recent changes in public policy that emphasize increased work effort. Data from the Survey of Wisconsin Works Families portray differences in the use of center-based care depending on whether or not the family received a child care subsidy. A multivariate analysis of a measure of parental satisfaction, whether a parent would switch child care sources if all care were available at no charge, suggests that parents tend to be more satisfied with center-based care than with alternative forms of care. The analysis also suggests that mothers who received a child care subsidy were significantly more likely to have their children in center-based care.     

The Flag or the Pocketbook: To What are Immigrants a Threat

An increasing number of immigrants and rising unemployment rates are widely thought to contribute to the electoral success of extreme right parties in Western Europe. However, no study explicitly posits the causal mechanism that links the aggregate level factors of immigration and unemployment to the electoral success of extreme right parties, and systematically analyzes whether and how this mechanism works. Thus, the causal connection between immigration, unemployment and extreme right success remains at best ambiguous. I argue that the causal mechanism linking immigration and unemployment to extreme right electoral performance is the development of anti‐immigrant attitudes at the individual level. In this paper, I examine how unemployment and immigration affect individuals’ attitudes toward immigrants. This examination furthers our understanding of the actual dynamics of how unemployment and immigration influences the electoral success of extreme right parties. I find that greater unemployment rates increase the probability that an individual will have an anti‐immigrant attitude only when immigration is already at a high level. Similarly, increasing immigration alone does not always increase the probability that an individual will have an anti‐immigrant attitude.     

Effects of Workers' Remittances and its Volatility on Economic Growth in South Asia

This study investigates the effect of workers' remittances and its volatility on economic growth of five South Asian countries by employing long time series data from 1975 to 2009. Cointegration results confirm a significant positive long run relationship between remittances and economic growth in India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, but a significant negative relationship in Pakistan. Conversely, the volatility of workers' remittances has a negative and significant effect on economic growth in Pakistan, Indian, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, but a negative but insignificant impact in Nepal. All sensitivity analyses confirm that the results are robust. A less volatile inflow of workers' remittances is growth‐enhancing for all countries. It is suggested that policy makers should make policies to reduce the transaction cost to welcome remittances into the region. Furthermore, countries like Pakistan should make the policies to discourage voluntary unemployment.

Policy Implications

• This study show the positive effect of remittances on economic growth in India, Bangladesh, Sri‐Lanka and Nepal. These countries should create friendly policies to reduce the transaction cost to ensure the continuous inflows of workers' remittances.
• Results indicate a negative effect of remittances on economic growth in Pakistan. Remittances are considered an uninterrupted source of income, which may increase voluntary unemployment, leading to decreased economic growth. The government should make policies to discourage this voluntary unemployment.
• Policymakers should create effective systems to ensure this inflow comes through formal financial channels for better control.

     

The flight from universalism

Up to the beginning of the 1990s Sweden had been considered a paragon welfare state in its realisation of universalist principles and an institutional welfare model. This seems to be changing rapidly. Mass unemployment, welfare expenditure cuts and institutional transformation have introduced several selective mechanisms into the Swedish welfare system, adding up to a retreat from universalism. New forms of selectivity can be seen in all layers of the welfare system, both transfer benefits and social security, public personal social services and the relation between state and voluntary organisations. The shifting of burdens from universal social security and insurance-based welfare onto local means tested systems has already meant a restigmatisation of unemployment, as the unemployed lose eligibility for the insurance-based systems, and an increase in the proportion of people who have to rely on poor relief instead of rights-based welfare, and when unemployment has gone up, so have work requirements for benefits. A rising proportion of labour market programmes are now municipally organised obligations instead of state administered rights. Conditioning the right to day care, appraising needs-tested services for the elderly, like home help and care, make personal social services change in the same directions. This may endanger the classical alliance between women and the welfare state.     

Public or Private Management? A Comparative Analysis of Social Policies in Europe

Across the world, political leaders and policy experts frequently use the labels ‘public’ and ‘private’ to organize social policies. A line seemingly separates public from private efforts, with social policies publicly organized in some countries and privately organized in others. According to this perspective, a public social policy is undertaken by government or deals with a public matter. When a social policy is private, non‐public actors and institutions, like employers, undertake it or it deals with a private matter, like body control. This article examines whether public or private approaches to managing social policies are currently emphasized in European countries. I begin by defining social policy and then provide an overview of the public–private dichotomy in managing social policy. I review predominant typological frameworks of public–private organization of social policies and examine three welfare social policies and three social policies dealing with body control by comparing public–private organization of these six policy areas across 21 European countries. I conclude by discussing the limited diversity of public–private organizations of social policies in Europe.     

Sociology as a Strategy of Support for Long-Term Unemployed Workers

In recent years workers in the United States have become increasingly vulnerable to spells of long-term unemployment, which are often accompanied by self-devaluation and the internalization of stigma. The existing literature consistently finds that dominant self-help career support institutions activate individualistic cultural narratives that obscure the shared and structural determinants of career challenges and often intensify the self-stigmatization and emotional toll of long-term unemployment. This paper examines an alternative approach to support based on sociologically-informed discourses and practices. Drawing on in-depth interviews of long-term unemployed white-collar workers who received such support we explore whether and how sociologically-informed support practices can reduce self-stigmatization and help workers confront the challenges posed by long-term unemployment. We show that self-stigmatization is not an inevitable outcome of unemployment in the American cultural context, and that the application of a sociologically-informed approach to support can activate narratives focused on the shared and structural roots of unemployment. The activation of such narratives counteracts the debilitating internalization of stigma and generates what we call a “re-valuation” of the self. Beyond long-term unemployment, the findings in this paper suggest broader benefits to American workers from institutions that foster a sociological imagination for contextualizing employment-related challenges.