Rescue Fantasies in Child Therapy: Countertransference/Transference Enactments

When the focus of the child treatment is on the therapist being a good object, this can accentuate a possible countertransference difficulty of the therapist becoming the protector of the child from the bad object. This countertransference can often resonate with rescue fantasies in the child. This paper will explore the topic of rescue fantasies in child treatment, while addressing the issue of coinciding fantasies existing unconsciously in both the therapist and child, leading to their enactment. A case of a nine-year old boy is presented which demonstrates how interpretation and resolution of rescue fantasies can lead to a deepening of the treatment.     

“FOB” and “Whitewashed”: Identity and Internalized Racism Among Second Generation Asian Americans

An analysis of 184 in-depth interviews with grown children of Korean and Vietnamese immigrants finds that the racial beliefs, meanings, and stereotypes of the mainstream society shape how they think about coethnics, generate local identities, and deflect stigma from themselves. We examine the terms FOB (Fresh Off the Boat) and whitewashed that were commonly deployed to denigrate coethnic others as too ethnic or too assimilated while casting those at the bicultural middle as the normals. We describe how this system of intraethnic othering serves as a basis for sub-ethnic identities, intraethnic social boundaries, and the monitoring and control of social behavior. We draw on the concept of internalized racial oppression in framing our findings.     

Rapid onset of pathological gambling in machine gamblers

A particularly rapid onset of pathological gambling (PG-onset) through the use of gambling machines has been widely alluded to, but this is the first study to empirically examine the phenomenon. This study compared the latency of PG-onset in those who gambled primarily on machines, compared to those who gambled primarily on more traditional forms of gambling at PG-onset. Subjects were 44 adult pathological gamblers (PGs) seeking outpatient treatment in Rhode Island (17 females; mean age = 46.9). Subjects completed questionnaires and a diagnostic interview including a complete history of gambling activities and the course of PG. The latency of PG-onset was defined as the time (in years) elapsed between the age of regular involvement in the primary form of gambling and the age at which DSM-IV criteria were first met. Machine PGs (n = 25) had a significantly shorter latency of onset than did traditional PGs (1.08 years vs. 3.58 years). Females and machine PGs had a significantly older age of onset, but gender was not associated with latency of PG-onset. Lifetime comorbidity of either substance use disorders (SUDS) or depressive disorders (DDS) was also not associated with the latency of PG-onset. The results of the current study suggest that intrapersonal variables such as gender and comorbid disorders do not generally affect the speed with which people develop PG. Rather, the social, environmental, and stimulus features of mechanized gambling are implicated. Prospective longitudinal studies on the onset and course of PG are needed, as well as more basic research on the features of machine gambling that may contribute to rapid onset.     

“Racism” and Colonialism: Meanings of Difference and Ruling Practices in America's Pacific Empire

This article examines the meanings of race and difference in the first years of American colonialism in the Philippines, Guam, and Samoa. Moving beyond existing sociological studies of race and colonial discourse, I demonstrate that the meanings of racial difference in the U.S. Pacific empire were contemporaneously polyvalent, constituting an overarching field of multiple rather than uniform classifications. The different meanings formed the basis for intra-imperial debate among colonizing agents. They also contributed to notable variations in forms of colonial governance and policy across the empire. The implication for future study is that race should best be apprehended as a code that takes on specific meanings and obtains its social force only in particular contexts of use and utterance.     

New dimensions of social movements: The high-level waste-siting controversy

This paper argues that the widespread, irreversible, and catastrophic potentials associated with some contemporary genres of grievances make derivative social movements novel in respects different from those emphasized by French, Italian, and German analysts using the concept new social movements. This European concept distinguishes between new and old protests to emphasize significant changes in the nature of the contemporary state or the value systems of its citizens, a distinction that has not been accentuated in the United States. The argument here is that only certain contemporary technology movements are really novel—and for reasons other than those alleged by advocates of the new social movements.     

Durkheim'sdivision of labor in society

The source of social life, according to Durkheim, is the similitude of consciousnesses and the division of labor. The former is best evident among primitive societies where a mechanical solidarity, evidenced by repressive law, prevails; the latter in advanced societies where populations evidence greater dynamic density, and juridical rules define the nature and relations of functions. In combating individualism and basing the existence of societies on a consensus of parts, Durkheim refutes his positivistic emphasis which denies the relevance of ends to a scientific study of society. In his discussion of social ends is a latent anti-mechanistic trend. The theory of unilinear development is established on deficient ethnographic data. It assumes the absence of division of labor among primitive societies and of any mechanical solidarity among modern societies. Repressive and restitutive law Durkheim seeks to use as indexes of mechanical and organic solidarity, but he does not establish with any precision the perfect associations which he assumes obtain between his types of solidarity and of law.Reproduced from theAmerican Journal of Sociology, Vol. 40 (1934), pp. 319–328. (© 1934 by the University of Chicago. All rights reserved.)     

Why fewer women become physicians: Explaining the premed persistence gap

Previous research indicates that the answer to the question of why fewer women become physicians lies in the premed persistence gap. Women are no less likely than men to enter undergraduate premed programs, but they are less likely to complete the program and apply to medical school. This article presents data from a study designed to test four plausible explanations of the persistence gap that are consistent with the structural barriers, normative barriers, and cognitive differences theories of gender inequality. The findings do not support the perception of discrimination hypothesis, the discouragement hypothesis, the self-derogation hypothesis, and the anticipated role conflict hypothesis. Rather, the evidence suggests another explanation — the normative alternatives approach. This approach holds that contemporary gender norms offer women fewer disincentives to changing or lowering their high-status career goals when encountering hardship, self-doubt, and the possibility of failure.An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta, August 1988.     

A Culturally Salient Polish Emotion: Przykro ['Pshickro]

The author analyzes, on the basis of naturally occurring examples, the Polish word przykro, which, she argues, plays an important role in Polish emotion talk. She compares and contrasts this word with its closest English counterparts, such as hurt, offended, sorry, and sad, and she shows how each of these English words differs in meaning from the Polish key word przykro. To be able to show, clearly and precisely, what these differences are, she relies on the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM), based on a set of empirically established lexical and grammatical universals. In doing so, she seeks to demonstrate the explanatory power of the proposed methodological framework (the NSM semantic theory). At the same time the author shows how language-specific lexical categories such as the Polish word przykro are linked with a culture's core values. She also shows the cultural implications of the lexical category hurt in Anglo culture, and discusses the cultural implications of the absence of a word like przykro in English, and of a word like hurt in Polish.     

Love and Sex in Constructing Identity Among Men Who Have Sex with Men

Interviews were conducted with 102 Ontario men who have sex with men who identify themselves as gay, bisexual, and not gay, concerning the meanings and satisfactions associated with their sexuality. Sexual discourses of men who identify themselves in different ways reveal some common criteria for placing self and others into the gay category. Gay, in the everyday speech of these men, appears to refer to an elaborated discourse around the potential for emotional involvement and relationships rather than a reference to an essentialized sexuality. Comparison of men who place themselves inside and outside sexual identity categories shows that many find gay identity to be a horizon of increased possibilities, rather than the limitation critiqued by queer theory. These findings are contextualized in recent debates in identity theory.     

When is disguise justified? Alternatives to covert participant observation

The ethical and practical merits of disguised, secret, or covert participant observation continue to be debated. This article suggests the need to recognize a wider variety of observational research strategies than are captured by this either/or debate. Such strategies include retrospective participant observation, experience recollected in academic tranquility the native as stranger, in which participants observe milieux with which they have long familiarity; adoption of the role of covert outsider, occupying a nonresearch position in an organization in order to do research; and the overt insider, deliberately adopting a particular occupational role, and undergoing training in it, to gain research access to otherwise closed research settings. Such alternative possibilities suggest that the need for covert observational strategies may be exaggerated.     

La Terza Via

Conclusion From these critical contributions, it is clear that there exists, among secondary commentators, extensive support for Carl Boggs's claim that the strategy of the Southern European communist parties, and the PCI in particular, represents not an optimistic third path but a return to the original path of Bernsteinian social democracy. There is also evident a widespread, if not universal, belief that orthodox leninism does not offer a satisfactory alternative. But while the standing of the PCPs Terza Via as an alternative to either social democracy or leninism is thus repeatedly questioned, counterposed authentically distinctive and radical accounts of the third way are, at best, rudimentary. Though not wholly unsupported, the advocacy of anti-passive revolution or sweeping transformation of the state gives very little indication of what an alternative third way would entail in practice in, for example, the Italian context. This is clearly one source of the PCI's impatience with its overly theoretical critics.If the suggestions of Buci-Glucksmann, Poulantzas, and others are too general and programmatic, it is possible that a practical alternative to the established party interpretation of the Terza Via might be sought among differing positions within the PCI. If we take the PCI's most recent strategy - the pursuit of the Democratic Alternative - it is indeed possible to identify significant divergences between right and left. As presented by Berlinguer, the strategy of Democratic Alternative was seen to consummate a breach with the Historic Compromise - a move away from Christian Democracy in favor of a left alternative, a move away from an exclusive reliance upon parliamentary alliance in favor of a mobilisation of social forces and movements. But he continued to emphasize that the party's electoral strength... is still the decisive factor in changing the balance of forces in favor of the alternative, while Napolitano, speaking for the right of the party, has tended to view the Democratic Alternative as a strategy for party and parliamentary alliance with the PSI, as the basis of a government able to pursue a policy for the relaunching of (economic) development in such a way as to avoid fuelling inflation. By contrast, Pietro Ingrao, spokesperson of the left of the party, has insisted that the alternative is not simply a proposal for central government and he has given much more weight to the promotion of a more general radical social movement organized around the pursuit of radical social alliances, built upon greater local autonomy and in-party democracy.But it is not clear that (even) this left variant of the Democratic Alternative has defined the grounds upon which a more radical Tefza Via could be constructed. Indeed, the experience of the PCI strategists themselves lends considerable support to the belief that there are chronic difficulties in overcoming the social democracy-leninism divide from within even a broadly conceived Marxian framework. For example, the experience of the new social movements - to which all sides of the PCI express themselves to be open - illustrates the considerable difficulties of comprehending the diversity of contemporary emancipatory struggles with the tools of conventional Marxian class analysis. Similarly, the ambivalence of state action - neatly captured in Offe's claim that socialism in industrially advanced societies cannot be built without state power and it cannot be built upon state power - is illcomprehended by classical Marxist accounts of the capitalist state and its withering away. In short, the evidence of the Italian experience suggests both that an emancipatory politics is perhaps not best understood as the pursuit of a third road to socialism and that, in fact, such a politics can no longer be exclusively based upon Marxian premises. Contemporary circumstances suggest the need for a new evaluation of the nature of state and civil society and a view of democracy and pluralism quite at variance with the rudimentary positions of both social democracy and leninism.If the capacity of the left wing of the PCI to respond to this challenge is doubtful, the prospects of the mainstream PCI meeting it are minimal. For they are resolutely committed to a reformist interpretation of the Terza Via in which a deeply entrenched commitment to Marxism as an objectivistic theory of social development seems to legitimate, as it did for the Second International, a largely reformist practice. But, at the same time, it should be clear that this is a commitment that arises less from doctrinal preferences than from the institutional and practical dilemmas experienced by any socialist party seeking mass electoral support. It is a difficulty starkly posed by Przeworski: Participation in electoral politics is necessary if the movement for socialism is to find mass support among workers, yet this participation seems to obstruct the attainment of final goals. Under the peculiar exclusionary circumstances of Italian politics, this problem is especially pronounced. In the election of 1983, under the new strategy, the Communist vote held up quite well, (down 0.5% at 29.9%), while the DC tumbled from 38.3% to 32.9%. In the European elections of 1984, the PCI even crept ahead of the DC. But despite these historical reversals for Christian Democracy, Italy continued to be governed by a DC-PSI coalition, under the premiership of the PSI leader Bettino Craxi. Committed to an electoral strategy, the Italian communists - powerful in the unions, strongly embedded in civil society, experienced and widespread in local government, consistently able to secure around a third of the popular vote - still found themselves excluded from governmental power.The irony of the PCI's position is neatly caught by Middlemas: the PCI has come closer than any other CP to bridging the ancient gap between the Second and Third Internationals, yet the only fruit appears to be that it has inherited what in the halcyon mid-70s it used to call the crisis of social democracy. While elements of a radical third way may indeed be found in the experience of Italian Marxism, the PCI repeatedly finds its options foreclosed, on the one hand, by the limitations of social democracy and, on the other, by the unacceptability of leninism. Indeed, its continuing difficulties, in the face of its very considerable strengths, lend further support to the claim that even a quite radically reconstructed Marxism is inadequate to the task of defining a satisfactory basis for a democratic socialist politics. This is evident in the circumlocutions in which the PCI has found itself involved in reconciling its day-to-day political practice to the broadest parameters of Marxian analysis. From this, it seems clear that if a radical Terza Via is indeed to emerge, it is unlikely to arise from within the mainstream of Italian Communism.

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La Terza Via

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Words of power: The power of words

Conclusion The original hapiness of words (Foucault) is gone ; there are no innocent languages (Barthes) anymore. All are related to social experiences, because a language originates in and has its primary reference to the everyday life. (Berger and Luckman, 1967, p.38) Any language is related to a given society, and both language and society are shaped by history. Obviously, American and French histories have been quite different.     

Child Care Work: Intimacy in the Shadows of Family-Life

This study analyzes the relationships between child care workers and the families of the children they serve. Because paid child care operates in the borderlands of family, many workers develop intimate relationships—both emotional and physical—with the children they care for and their families. Based on three and a half years of participant-observation fieldwork, and in-depth interviews with child care workers, the researcher examines how worker's subjective meanings are shaped through daily interactions, through organizational processes found in child care centers, and by the gendering of child care as women's work. The child care workers in this study saw themselves in family-like relationship with the families they served. This designation as like-moms and pseudo-parents also meant that workers continually engaged in emotional labor—managing the intimacy they experienced as caregivers against the expectations placed on them as workers.     

Independence of clones as a criterion for voting rules

Independence of clones is a generalization of the condition of not being subject to the perverse consequences of vote splitting that arise under plurality voting. A new voting rule that is at least almost always independent of clones is obtained by the following algorithm: Require the collective ranking of the candidates to be consistent with the paired comparisons decided by the largest and second largest margins, and then, if possible, with the paired comparison decided by the third largest margin, and so on. The advantages of this ranked pairs rule over previously proposed voting rules that are independent of clones is that it possesses Condorcet consistency, non-negative responsiveness, and resolvability (the property that every tie be within one vote of being broken).I am indebted to Jaques Crémer, Amoz Kats, Martin Ricketts, Thomas Schwartz and an anonymous referee for helpful suggestions.     

New-class dissent among social-cultural specialists: The effects of occupational self-direction and location in the public sector

Recent research suggests that new-class dissent is concentrated among the social-cultural specialists Kristol identifies as the principal critics of a business culture. Kohn's research on the micro-foundations of authoritarian conservatism suggests a plausible explanation centered on the subjective effects of occupational self-direction, a variable curiously missing from other models of new-class dissent. An alternative explanation, derived from state-centered theories of the new class, points instead to the concentration of these social-sicence and arts-related occupations outside the commercial economy. Using covariance structure analysis of new survey data, this study finds that occupational self-direction entails a propensity to question systemic inequities and a reluctance to blame the victims of poverty and discrimination. The antibusiness animus of Kristol's counterelites, conversely, arises in spite of, not because of, their highly self-directed work, reflecting instead their concentration in the public and nonprofit sectors.     

The Use of Coercion in the Treatment of Incarcerated Juveniles Adjudicated on Sexual Offenses: Consequences and Implications

Since the inception of specialized treatment for juveniles accused of and adjudicated on sexual offenses (JASOs), denial has been an organizing principle. Most clinicians believe that breaking through denial is a necessary prerequisite for successful treatment. Unfortunately, there is little empirical evidence to support this claim. Further, when admitting to one's sexually offensive behavior in treatment becomes paramount, the risk that other therapeutic issues are missed or ignored increases. This article calls attention to the dangers of coercion, in its varied forms, when attempting to get youth to take responsibility for their sexually offensive behavior. Based on interviews with 40 incarcerated JASOs, the author suggests that using presumptive realities as an organizing principle rather than denial, helps to focus treatment providers on their role in the therapeutic process. In using presumptive realities the JASO's story or interpretation of the abuse event is considered therapeutically relevant and reflective of the context in which treatment occurs.     

Max Weber,critical theory,and the administered world

The sociological perspectives of Max Weber and the Frankfurt School have been viewed as polarities in much of the recent literature. The Frankfurt sociologists were advocates of a neo-Marxism that stressed dialectical reasoning and rejected the notion of value-neutrality. Weber adhered to the canons of causal logic and cultivated the ideal of objectivity in social research. Notwithstanding these theoretical and methodological differences, Weber and the advocates of critical theory arrived at surprisingly similar conclusions about the fate of the modern world. Weber saw the advent of a bureaucratic iron cage which would effectively negate the role of the individual, while the Frankfurt sociologists posited the onset of an administered world in which human activity would be smothered in an ever-expanding network of management and control. Given these commonalities, a revision of the standard evaluation of Weber and critical theory is suggested.     

Muddying the Waters Does Not Have to Entail Erosion: Ecological Feminist Concerns with Purity

Ecofeminists call attention to the associations that have been made between woman and nature, which can operate as a source of both subjugation and resistance, exploitation, and inspiration. This paper expands upon feminist critiques of purity by phrasing these concerns in an ecological feminist perspective. This theoretical exercise of problematizing the ideal of purity sheds light upon the intersections of human and nonhuman oppression. Preservationist work has tended to employ the logic of purity by focusing on protection of the purity of the wild regions of the earth from the polluting forces of humanity. However, such approaches retain the troublesome nature/culture dualism. The author illustrates how attempts to fragment and radically separate people from the environment can prove to be highly dangerous. She connects the theoretical resistance to purity to the important activist work that is being done to expose environmental racism. Finally, she discusses how muddying the waters and resisting the logic of purity can offer a promising approach to pressing problems revolving around the intersections of human and nonhuman oppression.     

Social differentiation and organic solidarity: Thedivision of labor revisited

This paper argues for the classicity of Durkheim's first book: the innovative way viewing the compatibility of social order and individual autonomy; his sensitive perception of uneasiness with regards to the crisis of anomie; the lucid sociological account, especially the tripartite explanation of the division of labor in terms of its functioning, emergence, and consequences; and the conceptualization of the problem of order—i.e., the relationship of differentiation and integration. In all of these respects, Durkheim's book is a classic. Yet classical neither means original nor flawless. This is shown with respect to the relationship of division of labor and organic solidarity by looking at the historical debate on the division of labor, by elucidating mechanical and organic solidarity, and by carving out some of the problems inside organic solidarity.     

“Behind the Mask”: An African Gay-Affirmative Website

In this interview, conducted entirely via email, the Webmasters of Behind the Mask, a gay-affirmative Website serving Southern Africa, discuss the origins and goals of their project. The digital conversation touches on the need to disseminate information about sexuality to African peoples and the concurrent difficulties of establishing gay communities in Africa, since many Africans do not use terms such as gay or homosexual to describe identities or behavior.