中东能源地缘政治与中国能源安全

本文研究了中东地缘政治发展趋势以及未来该地区对中国能源安全的潜在影响,并就制定具有针对性的中东能源安全战略提出了建议,并认为,中国经济将继续依赖中东能源;中东政治动荡的危险正在增大,中东油气供应存在极大风险.中国的中东能源安全战略应包括:转变外交理念,平衡在中东的能源利益与不干涉内政原则间的关系,建立与中东能源供应国的相互依存关系,制定中美能源合作的长期目标,建立一个以问题为核心的功能性多边制度.     

面向未来的中国与中东能源关系

在能源领域,中国与中东国家已成为重要的合作伙伴,合作前景广阔。虽然中国与中东产油国间合作的重要性已成为双方的共识,各项制度安排逐渐形成,合作条件日趋成熟,但双方合作还受到各种因素的制约,如生产设施的滞后、运输瓶颈等,尤其是中东地区的环境安全。双方还面临着如何将双边合作与多边合作相结合的艰巨任务。     

关于中国——中东能源关系发展的若干思考

在过去的几年里,随着中国对中东石油依赖的日益增长,中国—中东双边政治、经济、外交和战略关系进入快速发展时期,中东石油在中国能源安全战略中的地位和作用日益凸显,中国的中东政策面临多重挑战,中国需要重新评估和更加突出中东石油在中国对外战略中的战略定位,重视双边能源合作机制建设的重要性,以确保中东石油对中国的长期和稳定供应。此外,中国在中东的能源利益已经引起美国等西方国家的高度关注和忧虑,引起了中国与美国的能源地缘政治冲突,为此中国的中东政策还必须兼顾与美国等西方国家的利益关系平衡,寻求中美在中东石油安全和广泛问题上的共同利益。     

Women from the Middle East and North Africa in Europe: understanding their marriage and family dynamics

The aim of this article is to assist the understanding of social workers in Europe of marriage and family dynamics among women from Middle East and North African countries who have moved to Europe. The focus of this article is on husband selection processes and family dynamics after marriage in Egypt, which is used as a case study reflecting culture and norms surrounding marriage in this region. This article reports on the findings of doctoral studies which examined marriage patterns and family dynamics in North Africa and in particular in Egypt where more in-depth data were available. The authors reflect issues surrounding values and process of marriage not only in terms of the implications for practice with social work clients or service users, but also in relation to the potential of women from this region who may join the social care workforce.     

中东油气与中国石油发展的战略思考

在当前国际环境下,中国的石油安全战略应是开放和外向型的,其核心思想是“保内争外”,即中国政府应进一步加强对中国石油企业参与国际能源合作的宏观指导和支持;中国石油企业应加强国内油气资源的可持续开发和利用,坚持开展国际能源合作,直面国际博弈。中东国家油气资源丰富,且与中国关系友好,应是中国石油企业对外开展能源合作的首选地区。     

In-migration, entrepreneurship and rural–urban interdependencies: The case of East Cleveland, North East England

In-migration is a key influence in the process of rural economic development in England, Continental Europe and the US. New arrivals are often viewed in the literature as contributors in new venture creation, as well as catalysts in enhancing rural–urban interdependencies in the countryside. This paper sets out to explore the validity of this view in the case of East Cleveland: a rural area with a tradition of mining and industry, occupying the coastal fringe of the Tees Valley city-region. In doing so, the paper compares this locality with other parts of rural England in order to draw some wider conclusions. Particular emphasis is placed on comparisons with Cumbria, where comparable data are available. The paper argues that the impact of in-migration on the conditions of supply of entrepreneurship is cumulative rather than transformational. This means that it is particularly profound in localities with strong opportunity nexus, reinforcing favourable demand side conditions. However, the ability of in-migrant entrepreneurs to influence rural–urban interdependencies in areas with weak opportunity nexus (such as East Cleveland) is modest.     

中国的中东热点外交：历史、理念、经验与影响

本文首先对中东热点问题的类型、影响,热点外交的基本概念进行了理论阐释。在此基础上,本文对中国中东热点外交的演变进行了历史回顾,对中国中东热点外交的核心理念、基本经验及其对中国外交创新的意义进行了总结和分析。     

中国的中东热点外交:历史、理念、经验与影响

本文首先对中东热点问题的类型、影响,热点外交的基本概念进行了理论阐释。在此基础上,本文对中国中东热点外交的演变进行了历史回顾,对中国中东热点外交的核心理念、基本经验及其对中国外交创新的意义进行了总结和分析。     

Securing the Market,Pacifying Civil Society,Empowering Women: The Middle East Partnership Initiative1

The “Middle East Partnership Initiative” (MEPI) is now the main framework for U.S. soft interventions in the Middle East. Established by the Republican administration in 2003, this program follows a rationale of political and economic reforms as a means to uproot terrorism and spread democracy. This article offers a content analysis of this program by questioning the assumptions behind the MEPI’s focus on “civil society” and “women’s empowerment” and by showing their significance to neoliberal regimes of pacification and securitization.     

Cyber warriors in the Middle East: The case of the Syrian Electronic Army

This paper investigates the online hacking group, the Syrian Electronic Army (SEA), and examines its goals. The study argues that it is not a hacktivist group but is made up of cyber warriors who are closely connected to the Syrian government in order to serve two main goals: serving as a public relations tool for the Syrian government to draw the world's attention to the official Syrian version of events taking place in the country and countering the impact of Syrian oppositional groups. The study investigates the online reaction to SEA by analyzing the comments posted on its YouTube videos in order to better understand the group's aims and strategies and the public perception.     

中国在中东的风险分析:以海湾地区为例

极具地缘战略价值的中东特别是海湾地区是中国"大周边"战略的重要组成部分。中国在中东存在政治、经济、贸易、安全、文化等多方面利益。在"无政府状态"的国际体系中,中国获取中东利益时面临外部较为严峻的挑战。因此,在纷争四起、矛盾错综复杂的中东,中国需要具备强烈的风险意识,对其认知必须充分,分析必须深入,规避务必得当,以期把预期风险化解到最小,也只有这样,中国才能比较顺利地实现自己在中东尤其是海湾地区的利益最大化。     

Political Economy,Ecological Modernization,and Energy Use: A Panel Analysis of State‐Level Energy Use in the United States, 1960–1990

The present study will examine energy consumption from two competing perspectives within environmental social science: political economy and ecological modernization. These frameworks will be evaluated with a fixed‐effects panel analysis of state‐level energy use between the years 1960 and 1990, based on data for 50 states plus Washington, DC, from the Energy Information Administration’s State Energy Data System. The results from the panel analysis show that the increase in total energy use between 1960 and 1990 depended on both increasing economic growth and urbanization, even after controlling for population size, industrialization, and inflation‐adjusted energy prices. The results challenge the claims of ecological modernization theory and support a political economic approach to the study of changes in energy use. In the conclusion, the study’s findings will be framed within the context of the early twenty‐first‐century economic and ecological crises. In light of efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, this study can also further advance the renewable energy debate by reminding us of the social drivers of energy use.     

Traffickers,Brokers, Employment Agents,and Social Networks: The Regulation of Intermediaries in the Migration of Ethiopian Domestic Workers to the Middle East

This paper examines the regulatory regimes surrounding the operations of intermediaries who facilitate Ethiopian women's employment as contract domestic workers in the Middle East. Drawing on empirical research in Ethiopia, Lebanon, and Kuwait, the paper focuses on the commonly observed problem of “regulatory failure,” as states and international agencies frequently fail to achieve their objectives in the regulation of intermediaries of migration. This paper argues that a decentered approach to regulation can provide a productive diagnosis of regulatory failure, one that recognizes how power may be dispersed between social actors and (non‐unitary) state actors and how it is differentially exercised across multiple regulatory regimes within this migration trajectory.     

美国、中东国家和中东激进组织对石油利益与经济公平的不同解读

中东拥有丰富的石油资源,但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运.后冷战时期,由于各种内外矛盾的牵制,中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化.美国控制石油的动机表白,与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远,与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭.涉及经济公平的石油利益,对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力,使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满.     

美国、中东国家和中东激进组织对石油利益与经济公平的不同解读

中东拥有丰富的石油资源，但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运。后冷战时期，由于各种内外矛盾的牵制，中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化。美国控制石油的动机表白，与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远，与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭。涉及经济公平的石油利益，对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力，使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满。     

Black Gold and Blue Gold: The Importance of Energy in the New Power Policy of the Russian Federation

After having been forced to face a decade of economic and political difficulties, the Russian Federation is regaining a position of prestige on the international stage thanks to an astute utilization of its huge reserves of oil and natural gas. With the coming to power of Vladimir Putin—and in particular from 2004—the State has changed its policy in the energy field, aiming to come back to exert a strict control over the main companies and assets. One of the most significant consequences of this change has been the outbreak of disputes with Ukraine and Belarus about the selling price of gas, which caused fears among the entire Europe about the reliability of Russia as a supplier of that resource. Moreover, the quarrels forced many Western analysts to condemn the way Moscow is acting to try and become an “energy superpower”.

Interrogating the tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Middle East

In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by nation‐states to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.