观点

把就业纳入保增长的重要目标，越是经济困难越要保护民众底线权利，社保全国“通行”须突破技术瓶颈     

增强转型支撑力，创新转型新路径——2013／2014年上海区县经济社会形势分析

2013年,上海各区县经济逐季向好,创新转型发展的支撑力显著增强,“稳增长、调结构、促改革、惠民生”取得显著进展。2014年,国内外经济形势依然严峻,经济回升态势尚不稳固,制约发展的机制性问题日渐显露。上海重点是加强对区县经济社会发展5个方面的引导,即：对接自贸区建设,共创共享开放型经济新红利;突破改革难点,释放制度红利和破解发展瓶颈;创新转型路径,增强区县经济发展活力;注重功能和品质提升,提高特大城市治理水平;改善民生保障,建立健全发展成果共享机制。     

在不确定的世界,谋划一个确定的未来

上海未来的发展肯定会面临不少的挑战,必须突破自然环境对增长的制约,减轻发展对于环境的压力,只有建立高质量的经济体系,才能面对挑战,才能在资源、环境因素制约日益增强的情况下,实现物质的较快增长,才能在物质财富增长的同时使生态环境保持良好的状态。     

全力打造投资环境最佳开发区

江苏海门经济开发区,经过15年的开发建设,已初步建成为经济发达、社会和谐、环境优越、宜居宜业的江苏省一流开发区,2006年荣获江苏企业投资最佳开发区称号。一、经济增长再上新台阶。近几年,开发区经济以新质态创新形象,以高效益促新发展,继续保持了良好的发展势头,各项主要指标均超历史。2007年全区实现地区生产总值85.4亿元,同比增长52%;实现工业产品应税销售收入86.5亿元,同比增长31.7%;实现出口贸易3.8亿美元,同比增长50.4%;实现预算内财政收入5.35亿元,同比增长52.08%;实现全社会固定资产投入24.2亿元,同比增长32.8%。开发区综合经济指标已跻身江苏省同类开发区前十强。二、项目建设实现新突破。一是招商引资取得新突破,呈现三大特点:外资结构优,全年新引进的项目中,造船、港机、能源、机电类等一批科技含量高、资源消耗     

以循环经济促进生态文明的建设

正发展循环经济,建设生态文明,是我们突破资源、环境瓶颈,实现可持续发展的必由之路,也是实现中国梦的必要条件和内在要求。一、推进循环经济是实现可持续发展的必备条件当前我国正处在十分重要的发展阶段,工业化、城市化进程加快,对资源能源的需求不断增加,这既是一个黄金发展时期,又是一个资源环境矛盾突出、瓶颈约束加剧的时期。我们为保持经济的较快增长付出了相当大的资源和环境代价。从资源消耗的增幅看,近年来,我国钢、铁、有色金属、水泥等主要原材料消耗弹性系数(原材料增速与GDP增速之比)正呈扩大之势;从资源利用效率看,我国资源产出效率大大低于国际先进水     

"十二五"天津产业结构优化升级的路径选择:

一、产业结构调整优化的方向和目标 2010年天津市生产总值突破9000亿元，人均GDP超过1万美元，表明天津的综合经济实力已达到中上等发达国家水平，标志着天津的经济社会发展步入一个新阶段。人均GDP超过1万美元就意味着GDP超常增长的阶段已经结束，而在平稳的增长过程中，     

经济转型期我国海洋资源的产业化开发研究

随着我国人均收入突破1000美元大关．国内消费结构出现了明显的升级态势,房地产和汽车等高档耐用消费品成为拉动国内经济增长的主力．我国经济结构已完全进入重化工阶段．代表性行业如石油、汽车、电力、冶金、煤炭、化工等发展势头迅猛,成为工业结构中增长最快的部分,这些行业对自然资源的依赖性很强。由于我国目前人均收入接近人均金属和能源消费量大幅增加的临界水平,     

探索我国县域经济可持续发展路径——基于江苏省武进区科学发展的经验与启示

改革开放以来,我国县域经济蓬勃发展,焕发出前所未有的生机和活力.在新的发展环境下,机遇与挑战并存,如何在复杂多变的国际国内形势下,实现县域经济新的增长、破解县域经济发展瓶颈,是当前和长远的一项重要议题.作为苏南模式的发源地江苏省武进区,积极探索具有苏南特色和武进特点的可持续发展路径,走出了一条持续,快速、协调、健康的科学发展道路,值得学术界和职能部门进行借鉴和思考.本文运用发展经济学来分析县域经济从单纯的经济增长到社会经济的全面、协调.可持续发展的理论基础,运用案例分析法研究武进科学发展路径,运用经验分析法研究武进经验对我国县域经济可持续发展的借鉴和启示.     

上海垃圾分类的困境与出路

垃圾分类对于资源回收利用有着非常重要的意义。但是，上海的垃圾分类工作在很长一段时间内徘徊不前。要突破其中的瓶颈，第一。要利用社区机制、道德约束和经济激励。保证源头能够分类收集；第二。源头的分类收集和后续的分类运输、分类处置必须对接。     

以创新驱动实现滨海新区在区域经济协调发展中的作用思考

天津滨海新区从1994年发展至今，整体经济实力发生了巨大变化，已成为国家重点发展地区之一。新形势下，滨海新区又有了新的经济发展使命，加快经济发展方式的转变势在必行，要在保增长、调结构、上水平方面下工夫，集中力量，加紧工作，务求突破，真正走上创新驱动的发展轨道，推动经济社会发展跃上新台阶。     

China's Way of Economic Transition

China started economic transition in 1978 to implement a Chinese type of socialist market economy system, i.e., a market-oriented economy consisting of collectively community-owned enterprises (CCOE) and state-owned enterprises (SOE) in a totalitarian political system with the Communist Party of China as the ruling power. The main contents of the economic transition can be briefly described as follows: (1) gradual decentralization of economic decision from central economic planning to market-oriented decision by delegating competence to managers of SOE and CCOE without privatization of public ownership, (2) liberalization of cross border economic activities (open-door policy), (3) allowance for Chinese to erect private enterprises (PE) on the one side and foreigners to set up foreign invested enterprises (FIE) on the other side, as well as (4) reorganization of SOE and CCOE. In comparison to the former Soviet Union and the Central and Eastern European countries, the following points of China's way of economic transition are of special interest. First, China's way of transition is a ``gradual trial and error' approach without a transition program set for long term but flexible and gradual way which is called a ``touch stones to cross river' approach. Field experiments have been carried out at first. A reform will be implemented after successful experiments. Second, the rural community becomes reorganized by breaking down communes, implementing a ``household responsibility system' in the agricultural sector and setting CCOE in the rural areas to carry out industrialization without movement out of rural labor (the slogan for this kind of transition is lee tuh puh lee shian [``move out from agriculture but not out of rural area']. Third, China's economic development is characterized by a huge expansion of CCOE in the eighties and newly founded PE consisting of FIE since the nineties, while only a very limited share of SOE has been privatized via the reorganization of the sector. China's way of economic transition has been a process of decentralization of the economic system from a central planning economy to one of decentralized market-oriented decision by delegating competence to management of SOE and CCOE without privatization of the ownership to increase efficiency. Fourth, China has been heavily loaded by a fragile banking system with a huge amount of nonperformance loan which implies a high risk of banking system crisis. Fifth, China's economic transition has been seen as a tool to keep the power of the Communist Party China with a periodically instable totalitarian political system and has permanently been confronted with risk of a political collapse. Human rights have not been protected in China. The FIE have crucially contributed to the growth of industrial production, export, and also the economic growth in China since 1979, especially since 1992. Economic special zones have significantly induced the rapid growth inflow of FDI which has financed the establishment of new enterprises instead of financing privatization of the SOE in China. Thus, it is not exaggerated to say that the FDI inflow has mainly contributed to the performance of the Chinese economic transition and the FIE have been the engine of the Chinese economic development.     

约旦经济发展的重要因素

阿杜拉国王上台后，及时采取稳定国内政局的有效措施，严厉打击国内的恐怖主义活动，积极开展以经济为轴心的务实外交，不断加大经济开放和国企私有化力度，牢牢抓住经济全球化带来的机遇，迎难而上，使2001年约旦国内生产总值比上年同期增长4％，大于人口增长的2．8％。     

Impacts of the Triple Global Crisis on Growth and Poverty: The Case of Yemen

Yemen is an oil‐exporting and food‐importing country with the highest levels of poverty in the Middle East and North Africa. The impacts of the triple crisis are likely to further complicate pre‐existing conditions of conflict, oil depletion and governance failure. Using a dynamic CGE model, this article finds that oil‐driven growth in 2008 dominated the negative growth impacts of the food crisis, but that growth was not pro‐poor. The financial crisis of 2009 slowed growth sharply and raised the poverty rate to 42.8%, up from 34.8% in 2005/6. Poverty continues to be higher in rural areas, where almost half the population live in poverty.     

Why employment matters: Reviving growth and reducing inequality

The global economic crisis has led to a sharp slowdown in growth and an even greater slowdown in employment creation. The resulting deterioration in the quality of employment has exacerbated the longer‐term trend of rising inequality. Jobless growth has dampened output growth through a worsening income distribution. Wages are costs on the supply side but are also incomes on the demand side, so that profit‐led growth and wage‐led growth are complements, not substitutes. Thus, growth can create jobs, while added jobs can drive growth. More employment and better jobs can also mitigate rising inequality. If macroeconomic policies focus on fostering employment creation and supporting economic growth, rather than on price stability and balanced budgets, employment would revive growth and reduce inequality.     

中国区域经济增长新格局与区域协调发展

当前,中国区域经济增长呈现新格局,主要表现为中西部地区发展速度加快,优势产业各具特色;以城市群为核心,形成空间发展格局;区域开发秩序得到进一步规范;区域合作和一体化不断得到加强。与此同时,中国区域经济增长也遇到新的挑战。因此,必须联动实施国家区域发展战略,开拓区域经济协调发展的新思路。     

服务经济的本质与内涵：理论渊源

从以下几类研究中寻找对服务经济的理解和认识：其一,关于服务经济的研究;其二,关于服务业的研究,从服务业在经济体中的地位和作用来理解和诠释服务经济的内涵及特征;其三,关于后工业经济时代经济发展趋势和发展特征的研究。通过对涉及服务经济研究相关文献的总结、归纳和梳理,提出服务经济的判断标准、基本经济结构、内涵与基本特征、增长动力、空间结构及其创新模式。     

日本大地震对世界经济格局以及上海发展的影响分析

日本大地震引发海啸和核电站泄露事故,给世界经济格局带来一定影响,加剧了全球产业链布局以及产业转移、投资和金融格局的调整,也给上海经济发展带来挑战和机遇。因此上海应迎接挑战、抓住机遇,在促进产业转型升级、引进相关核心制造企业、加快金融航运服务业发展等方面出台合理有效的对策举措。     

城市人口空间分散与经济增长——基于特大城市的实证分析

人口集聚产生规模效益,从而带来经济增长,这是大多数实证研究得到的结果,但随着城市规模的不断扩大,一系列城市问题逐渐凸显出来,对城市发展产生了一定影响。因此,越集聚是否越好逐渐成为研究的关注点。本研究从人口集聚的对立面——人口分散角度来探讨是否特大城市已出现集聚不经济。通过对34个特大城市的实证研究,结果发现人口分散对经济增长具有显著促进作用,也就意味着集聚可能对经济增长产生了副作用。研究还发现分散对经济增长不是一种持续的促进作用,而是呈现出倒U型趋势,即过度分散并不利于经济增长。     

The microfinance promise—can it be kept? A macro perspective

After five decades of rapid expansion of microfinance worldwide, little is known about its aggregate effects and whether the “microfinance promise” of poverty reduction holds at the macro level. Challenging questions have arisen. Here we explore the dynamic response of microfinance on economic growth, financial deepening and income inequality. Countries are grouped into three broad clusters (stable, moderate and poor) based on macro‐institutional variables. Our results show that microfinance has a significant long‐term ability to affect the broader economy. However, the impact and dynamics of microfinance differ substantially across macro‐institutional environments. It grows in weaker environments, reaches its peak in developing economies, and then gradually “dies out” in more stable economies. While there is evidence of a positive impact of microfinance at the aggregate level, the response is different depending on whether countries are poor, moderately developed or economically stable. Once countries climb up the macro‐institutional “ladder,” microfinance can take a different shape and its relationship with other macroeconomic fundamentals can change. Our results indicate that microfinance has the strongest effect when the external environment is supportive and proactive; in weak environments, microfinance cannot grow sufficiently. Therefore, more attention should be given to supporting the socioeconomic dimensions of economies.     

湖南教育投入对区域经济发展动态影响的研究

选取资本、劳动力、教育经费投入变量,建立湖南区域经济发展的非线性生产函数模型,运用1978—2011年的数据资料进行实证分析,得到结论：时间因素对经济发展影响是显著的,同时高等教育经费投入、资本和劳动力对区域经济发展有促进作用,教育投入每增长1％,将会促进GDP增长0．206％,但其作用不是很明显,需要采取措施促进湖南教育经费投入与区域经济的协调发展。