浙江省高技术产业发展特征、存在问题及对策研究

近年来,在"两创"战略的实施和带动下,浙江高技术产业取得了迅速发展,同时也存在不少问题:与经济发展粗放式类似,高技术产业发展也具有粗放型特征,主要依靠高投入来支撑,高消耗、高排放、低效率的状况没有得到根本改善;高技术产业的产品大多位于价值链低端,产品附加值低,严重制约了高技术产业在国际市场上核心竞争力的提升。因此,必须针对浙江高技术产业发展的现状及发展中存在的主要问题,从加强政府服务、实施产业预见、完善金融支持、加大RD资金投入、加强知识产权保护等方面入手,着力提升高技术产业的核心竞争力。     

政府投入对高新技术产业发展的影响——基于不同行业视角下的研究

政府在高新技术产业发展中扮演重要角色，财政科技投入是促进高新技术产业发展的主要动力。本文从高技术产业的不同行业出发，研究政府科技投入与不同行业产值的关系。通过分析认为，在现阶段，政府是推动我国高技术产业发展的主要动力，但政府科技投入在投入结构安排上应根据不同行业的高技术产业特点而有所不同。     

粤港澳大湾区高技术产业的重心、城市差距与协调

在把粤港澳大湾区建设成为国际科技创新中心的目标下,选取粤港澳大湾区2007—2017年高技术产业增加值为主要研究指标,运用重心分析方法对粤港澳大湾区高技术产业的重心变化轨迹及发展差距进行分析.结果表明:大湾区几何中心点在广州市南沙区凤凰大道,2007—2009年高技术产业重心位置一直位于东莞市虎门镇,2010年重心位置移动到广州市南沙区南沙街道,2011—2017年又返回东莞市虎门镇.大湾区高技术产业重心一直偏离几何中心,高技术产业的区域发展差距主要表现为珠江东西两岸的差距,南北相对均衡静止的状态,东西方向也是湾区高技术产业重心主要变动的方向,2007—2010年主要向西变动,靠近地理几何中心,东西差距逐渐缩小,2010—2017年则向东位移,东西差距又逐渐拉大.变动轨迹呈现向右倾U形轨迹,表明大湾区高技术产业城市间差距先缩小后又扩大.其主要原因是港澳自改革开放以来发挥不同的扩散效应,以及珠江对香港向西岸辐射阻隔效应及高技术产业的集聚效应.     

入世后我国高技术产业的对策研究

20世纪70年代末期,从美国、日本和西欧兴起的以高技术产业为中心的新技术革命,对整个世界经济和社会发展都产生了巨大而深远的影响。世界各国普遍认识到,高技术及其产业的发展是决定国家力量强弱和发展前景的重要因素,是21世纪必争的战略制高点,谁掌握了高技术及其产业的主导权谁就在综合国力的竞争中处于领先地位。高技术产业的特征高技术产业是以高技术为依托的产业,与其他产业相比,其基本特征是:源于科技的转化,依赖于风险投资机制与高水平的制造和现代化的管理,以及由此生产的产品具有高附加值,市场竞争力强和高速度发展的先导性产业。…     

论发展文化创意产业——基于建设国家中心城市的视角对广州文化创意产业发展的研究

本文从建设国家中心城市的视角,就广州发展文化创意产业的必要性进行了理论探讨,对广州发展文化创意产业的基础条件进行了实证分析,并提出广州大力发展文化创意产业关键在于解放与发展文化创意产业领域的生产力。     

全球典型城市发展设计产业经验对广州的启示

发展设计产业具有促进产业结构优化升级与经济转型方面的独特竞争价值,日益成为全球许多城市实现产业转型和经济增长,创立地区品牌和增强竞争力的重要手段。通过对国内外典型城市发展设计产业的理念与措施进行梳理和比较,总结其经验对广州发展设计产业的启示。结合广州设计产业实际发展情况,分析其优势与不足,探讨广州发展设计产业对其产业发展、城市规划、文化传播等方面的重要意义,并分别从产业政策、制度建设、产业融合、公共服务、品牌活动等多角度对广州设计产业的发展提出可行性建议。     

高技术产业集聚对区域经济发展的影响研究

笔者利用区位熵方法对2006年-2018年我国高技术产业的产业集聚情况进行测算,并分析其特征.在此基础上,利用空间杜宾模型研究高技术产业集聚对区域经济发展的影响效应.结果 显示:高技术产业集聚有助于区域经济增长速度的提高,高技术产业集聚的空间效应对周围地区的经济发展速度具有显著的负效应.最后,笔者提出利用产业集聚促进区...     

论我国高技术产业人力资源的开发与管理

进入21世纪,我国高技术产业取得了快速的发展,其年均增长速度超过20％,增加值和总产值占制造业的比重均已超过15％。尽管高技术产业发展势头良好,但是我国目前对该产业人力资源的发展问题仍重视不够,在高技术产业统计方面严重存在“见物不见人”的状况。美国学者舒尔茨认为,人的知识和技能是资本的一种形态,即人力资本,是生产资源中     

游艇产业:广州经济文化发展的新增长点

游艇产业具有极大发展空间和前所未有的大好机遇。本文分析了目前国内外游艇产业的发展情况,并着重就广州发展游艇产业的条件和措施提出了自己的看法。     

天津海岸带化工产业集聚发展的实现途径

一、问题的提出 化学工业是高技术密集、高资本密集和高耗水、高污染产业.上世纪90年代初以来,主要由于化工企业自身发展和环保的需要,发达国家化学工业开始加快阶梯性产业结构调整,步入初级化工产品规模大型化、装置集中化和产品精细化的园区式集聚发展道路.进入21世纪以来,化工产业集聚发展案例开始在我国出现,主要调整形态为企业兼并联合、规模大型化、装置集中化、生产中心园区化、集约化和一体化.     

Facing east: the World ORT Union and the Jewish refugee problem in Europe, 1933–38

The World Union of Societies for Promotion of Artisanal and Agricultural Work among the Jews (ORT Union) was created in Berlin in 1921 by emigrants from Russia, veterans of the Russian ORT that had been founded in St Petersburg in 1880. By 1933, the ORT Union represented a transnational association of public philanthropic organisations and maintained a large network of professional schools and vocational training courses scattered all over Eastern Europe. After the advent of the Nazis in 1933, the ORT Union managed to work out and fulfil several relief programmes directed towards the rescue of the German Jews and improving the refugee problem. The ORT leadership considered the remote Birobidzhan region in the USSR as a possible asylum for the German‐Jewish refugees and tried to organise their large‐scale resettlement there. Although, because of a considerable change in Stalin’s foreign policy in the late 1930s, this ambitious plan was not fulfilled in full measure, the efforts of the ORT Union to rescue German Jews and solve the refugee problem undoubtedly led to an expansion of its activity and created a transcontinental network of technical and agricultural training institutions. ORT’s connection to the migratory processes of this period cannot be overestimated, especially in relation to professional training, which allowed thousands of refugees to adapt in a very short time to the new socioeconomic reality in the countries of their destination. Using documentary sources preserved in archives in Russia, Britain, Germany and Israel, this article analyses the all‐embracing programmes offered by the ORT Union for ameliorating the Jewish refugee problem in Europe from 1933 until the eve of the Second World War.     

Between organization and spontaneity of protests: the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings

ABSTRACT

This paper investigates the role of social groups in mobilizing resources for protests in repressive contexts. In particular, it examines the impact of organizations and informal groups on individual engagement in the protests developed in 2010 in Tunisia and in 2011 in Egypt. The empirical analysis draws on the following data sources: the second wave of the Arab Barometer (2010–2011), two focus groups in Egypt conducted between 2011 and 2015 with members of trade unions and of Popular Committees who had participated in the 2011 protests in Egypt, eight semi-structured interviews conducted in 2017 to workers in Tunisia who had engaged in the 2010–2011 protests, and interviews conducted in January and February 2011 to 100 women in Tunisia within a study tackling police violence against women during the Tunisian uprisings.

Findings show that both in Egypt and Tunisia protests were neither spontaneous nor fully organized as formal organizations and informal and spontaneous groups strictly interconnected in sustaining protests. In Egypt, established Islamic charity networks provided the structural basis for Popular Committees to engage in the 2011 protests and the initially spontaneous workers’ groups, institutionalized through the legalization of EFITU, were crucial for national wide protests occurred throughout 2011. In Tunisia, the major trade union UGTT was essential for mobilizing workers in the initial stages of protests but was backed by informal and spontaneous groups of workers during the process of protest diffusion.

Results remark that the 2010–2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings were therefore well-grounded on intermediate mobilizing structures capable to survive in the interstices of an authoritarian context. Findings suggest to consider that, in repressive context, spontaneous groups and more established and formal organizations continuously switch from one form to another, overlap, and transform themselves faster than they would do in democratic contexts.     

Oradea,Romania: a living Jewish memorial

Oradea, once possessing the most active and important Jewish community in Hungary (the biggest in number, after Budapest), and then in Romania, is nowadays a true, silent witness of the immense impact of Jewish culture, in almost all aspects of society, and especially architecture. There is an important Jewish legacy to protect and to pass on to the heirs, in memory, of those approximately 25,000 Jews from Oradea who were exterminated in Auschwitz-Birkenau in May 1944. The article highlights the history and heritage of the Oradea Jews, from the beginning to the present day.     

Uncovering a politics of livelihoods: analysing displacement and contention in contemporary India

ABSTRACT

In this paper, we use livelihoods as an organizing concept which brings together questions of production, social reproduction, and the conditions for these, to describe and reflect upon three ‘moments’ of displacement and contention in India. Our first moment, a massive flash strike by workers in the export garments industry in Bangalore, is located in the present neo-liberal context of jobless growth, increasingly unregulated and precarious forms of employment, and market-based forms of service provision. Our second moment concerns popular struggles in defence of the commons in settled rural fishing communities in south India, and the third, the tenacious efforts of pavement dwellers in Bombay to make place, the political condition for production and social reproduction. The originary context for these last two moments was the state-led, technology-driven, capitalist modernization of agriculture and fisheries of the early post-‘independence’ decades, tied to projects of state-building, self-reliance, and sovereignty. The three moments chart the long history of processes of precarization under postcolonial capitalism but, equally, a constant politics of livelihood, grounded in claims to rights earned through labour, and addressing itself to both state and capital as complicit in structuring access to livelihoods under capitalism.     

Re-thinking Transition: Globalism,Gender and Class

This article addresses the questions the ending of the Cold War raises for the understanding of gender and politics. It starts with the surprise that has been caused by the events of transition, and reflects this back to ask how expectations of transition which have consistently not been fulfilled, are produced. Why did feminism not develop in the wake of state socialism in the way many thought that it would? An argument is put forward to show how an idea of the West and of liberal freedom is at stake in the interpretation of the events of postcommunism. The article analyses how an idea of western freedom, which presupposes that identities under democratic and communist regimes are the same, also underpins tensions in West–East transnational feminist debate. A reconceptualization of transition is offered, first through a critique of the Newtonian concept of absolute space that underpins the idea of liberal freedom and the way in which this operates in civil society discourse. Second, a new analytical framework is offered, using the alternative, relativistic, concept of 'curved space'. Unlike the notion of absolute space, 'curved space' cannot be defined in the abstract, but is produced by and produces the specific identities which exist at any given moment in time. Different processes of identity formation in the West and in the East, can thus be related to differences in the curvature of space, that is, to the differences, in communist and democratic regimes, of relations of power. These power relation differences are a reflection of the organization of the economy-state. The article then shows how the hierarchization of citizenship is implied in the state/economy changes being put in place in the former Soviet Bloc. The institutionalization of gender after communism can be seen as part of an historically unprecedented process of social differentiation implicated in the re-introduction of private rights, and in the market economy and class relations which for the first time in history, are being required and instituted by (supra)states.     

A teacher and his students: child Holocaust testimonies from early postwar Polish Bytom

ABSTRACT

The document presented here was created in 1945 in Bytom, Poland. It contains testimonies by Holocaust survivor children collected and put down in a notebook by their survivor teacher, Shlomo Tsam, in the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust. The testimonies shed light on Jewish children's experience in Eastern Europe during the Holocaust, describing oppression, flight, and survival in the words of the weakest segment of Jewish communities – children. The testimonies provide raw data on the encounters between Jews and non-Jews in the territories in which the “Final Solution” was carried out. It is thus an important source contributing to the burgeoning research on the involvement of local populations in the murder of the Jews, on one hand, and in saving Jews, on the other. The creation of this document, one of several collections of Jewish survivor children's testimonies produced in the immediate postwar years, is also indicative of post-Holocaust Jewish sensibilities and concerns regarding surviving children.     

Transnational youth transitions: becoming adults between Vancouver and Hong Kong

In the context of the academic interest shown in the enduring transnationalism of contemporary migrants and in the modes of transitions to adulthood in different global settings, in this article we examine the transnational lives of adolescents moving between Vancouver (Canada) and Hong Kong. While there is a lot of literature on the parents' political and economic calculations, there is very little on how adolescents in these situations articulate their geographical sensibilities. We draw on three periods of fieldwork undertaken in 2002, 2008 and 2010 during which we employed a transnational methodology to interview young people in Vancouver and Hong Kong. We argue that becoming an adult involves a process in which, in their discussions about the geographical and emotional distance between themselves and their families, young people articulate their own complex emotions towards specific places in their transnational social field. Their families sporadically interrupt the adolescents' otherwise independent lives with fragmented modes of supervision. By examining the complex intentions and emotions behind circular migration from the perspective of transnational youth in a community of split families, we advance the discussion on transnational geographies, particularly of the family in the context of a flexible global economy.     

‘It's just a natural human thing to do,to go and visit your family… but it's not easy for us’: Gender and generation in Bangladeshis’ transnational visits between London and Sylhet

In the title to this paper, Maya, a British-Bangladeshi woman, expresses her frustration at the refusal of the Home Office to grant her father in Sylhet a visa to come and fulfil his role as family head at the wedding of his son, Maya's brother, in London. The case illustrates well the intersection of gender and generation that fundamentally shapes the pattern of visits, in both directions, across this long-distance transnational social and family space. Bangladesh is a patriarchal society, with marked gender divisions layered across generations, which are largely reproduced among the migrant community in London and are manifested, in various ways, in the phenomenon of transnational visiting. Based on 61 in-depth interviews in London and Sylhet, supplemented by participant observation, we delineate the gendered and generational structures framing the visits, both of migrants to the homeland and of non-migrants to their relatives in London.     

On ethnicity and development imperative: a case study of North-East India

‘North East India’ composed of different ethnicity is plagued with ethnic assertions and regionalism with that of centuries of alienation. Development is one big issue that need to be address in the region. The North East India after decades of independence is still lagging behind in term of socio, economic, education, political, cultural and social development. A deeper study reveals that movement for separate homeland, regionalism, tribalism, ethnic clash, crime, mass poverty, etc in the region are caused by backwardness of the region. The distinct geo-ethnic and socio-historical characters of North-East India constitute the hotbed of ethnic strife and extreme radicalism. The solution lies partly in resolving the conflict between primordial ethnic loyalties or ‘ethno-nationalism’ and the ‘nationalism of the nation state’, and partly a conscious and voluntary effort to resist corruption and unholy alliance between the militants and the politicians in the region. In any case, ethnic reconciliation would result in the reduction of ethnic violence of all kinds and would eventually restore law and order in the region. When the civil governance in the region will be spared from combating militancy or appeasing the militants, the whole energy of the government would be for strengthening the institutions of local self-government, which act as potential agents of development in the conflict-ridden states of the North-East India.     

Ukraine’s drive to independence in 1991

The article provides a re-examination of how Ukraine achieved independence in 1991, covering events both in the republic and at the centre in Moscow. It argues that success in 1991 was largely based on a compromise between various forces, including the Communist Party of Ukraine and the democratic opposition, but in turn the failure to address several basic issues, such as the status of Crimea and the centralization of power around the Communist and post-Communist elite, paved the way for the Euromaidan uprising of 2013–14. Virtually all the factors that resulted in protests and conflict in spring 2014 were present in some form in 1988–91 and remained unresolved in the years that followed the declaration of independence.