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1.
In Japan, some of the socially, economically and politically marginalised have developed robust social and labour movements that engage with mainstream society. These movements have developed strategies challenging the conditions of the excluded, while also highlighting pathways to establish, or enhance, individual and collective participation in the labour market and the wider society. Two distinct though related, social and organisational forms of these movements are elaborated – firm‐centred and community centred respectively. The former especially has a combative past in the labour struggles of the 1950s in what are known as sa'ha shōsū‐ha kumiai (left wing Minority union, or, Minority‐faction union). However, this does not mean Minorities are inherently leftist in orientation. In the 1940s and 1950s, during a period of radical union hegemony, a collaborative form of second unions developed assisting the purge of radical leaderships. Our focus here is on a contemporary radical democratic current. While articulating concerns of those in full time employment outside the political mainstream they may also represent ethnically and otherwise socially marginalised workers. The community unions, a form of what are known as ‘new‐type union’, shingata kumiai (this term will be used here to describe the community unions) articulate the concerns of those socially and economically marginalized in the community and the wider labour market. Controversially, the term ‘Minority union’ is used to depict the different forms of oppositional social movement union in a broader sense than is typically understood in the literature. This is because they share a common concern with the articulation of Minority social and political interests in the context of the employment relationship and the local community. In considering the character of these social movement unions the article seeks to add to what Price (1997 ) describes as ‘bottom up history’ which we term ‘sociology from below’.  相似文献   

2.
This paper discusses John Ogbu and his work in the context of Japan. First, his interest in Japan, his interactions with Japanese educators and researchers, and their responses to his work are discussed. Then Ogbu’s cultural model from the author’s fieldwork experiences is examined and a relational and dialectic perspective is proposed to study ‘the system’ and ‘community forces’ to capture generational changes and the interethnic dynamics of the school–community relationship.  相似文献   

3.
The Turkish minority in West Germany numbers today some 1.6 million, a large portion of whom live in what was formerly West Berlin. The Turks and the Germans are two societies with different social values, which are tied to their national ethos. The Turkish minority is not viewed as a group which can be assimilated into German society. The present article examines the problems posed by this minority and its insecurity in the face of German unification.  相似文献   

4.
This research compares a performance model to a racial model in explaining approval of a black mayor. The performance model emphasizes citizen evaluations of conditions in the city and the mayor's perceived effectiveness in dealing with urban problems. The racial model stipulates that approval of a black mayor is based primarily on racial identification or racism. A model of mayoral approval is tested with two surveys over different years of citizens in a city that has had 20 years' experience with black mayors. Findings indicate that performance matters when evaluating black mayors, indicating that the national performance models of presidential approval are generalizable to local settings with black executives. Implications for black officeholders are discussed. However, the racial model is alive and well, as indicated by its impact on approval and the finding that, in this context, performance matters more to white voters than to black voters. A final, highly tentative conclusion is offered that context conditions the relative power of these models. The performance model may explain more variation in approval of the black mayor than the racial model in a context of rapidly changing city conditions that focuses citizen attention on performance, but during a period of relative stability the two models are evenly matched.  相似文献   

5.
This article presents a historical reprise of 40 years of policy interest in ethnic minority businesses in the UK. It contrasts the pronouncements of policymakers with the reality of ethnic minority entrepreneurship. Such an exercise is surprisingly rare given the activism of policymakers in this arena and growing scholarly interest in this field. Our historical overview is informed by a novel research method that plots references to ethnic minority entrepreneurship in the British Houses of Parliament. Though the UK has been the site of some interesting policy experiments on ethnic minority entrepreneurship, their impact has been slight when set against the context of broader political-economic change.  相似文献   

6.
This article reports on the results of a statewide assessment of the capacity-building needs of organizations that provide health services to ethnic minority groups in Ohio. The research addressed gaps in knowledge about the specific needs of these organizations for improved effectiveness and long-term sustainability. A telephone survey of 659 organizations, supplemented by focus groups with 37 participants in the state's largest cities, indicated substantial need and interest in capacity-building technical assistance in areas such as revenue-generating activities, marketing and public relations, information technology training, program evaluation, and board leadership development. The limited ability of these organizations to pay for the needed assistance creates challenges for planning approaches to meet these vital needs.  相似文献   

7.
School-based approaches to intervention with depressed minority adolescents is discussed within a preventive framework. The symptomatology and epidemiology of depression is presented as it pertains to minority group adolescents. Specific suggestions for school-based services, the uses of school-based mental health professionals, and for coordination with mental health agencies are provided.  相似文献   

8.
This paper posits a public choice model for explaining the variation across cities in the minority share of local government employment. The paper argues that, when hiring under conditions of excess supply, vote-maximizing local public employers exchange public sector jobs for political support from identifiable special interest groups. The model is tested for two local government occupations — police officer and firefighter — using a sample of cities above 50,000 in population. The results are compatible with the basic hypothesis that the greater the excess supply for an occupation, the higher the share of minority employment in that occupation. We are indebted to James D. Adams, Bernard Bernstein, Ali Rassuli, and Loren Solnick for helpful comments on an earlier draft. The authors alone are responsible for the contents of the paper.  相似文献   

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Times have arguably never been better for minority nationalism. The hollowing out of the nation-state has provided spaces for minority nations to assert their identities and seek wider forms of self-rule. Their position is strengthened by the increased salience of development strategies at the regional scale that draw on the cooperation and coordination of economic actors. In this context, minority nationalism can help foster regional economic success by providing increased cohesion and cross-class collaboration. In return, regional economic success promises to strengthen the nation by providing resources to smooth over class divisions. This article lays out this argument, but raises a number of political and economic contradictions that threaten to interfere both with the construction of regional strategies, and with their ability to paper over class divisions within the nation. It concludes with a brief discussion of the Québec case to show how the promise of a mutually reinforcing relationship between minority nationalism and regional strategies runs up against a series of contradictions in practice.  相似文献   

11.
This study examined perceived social support available to victims of traditional and cyber forms of bullying in a heterosexual and sexual minority emerging adult university student population. Questionnaires were completed by 521 students ages 18 to 25 years old. The questions related to their sexuality, experience of bullying, and perception of social support. Perceived social support was lower for sexual minority individuals than for heterosexual individuals only when no bullying behavior was present. No significant differences in perceived social support between sexual minority and heterosexual individuals were found when they were traditionally bullied, cyberbullied, or experienced both forms of bullying victimization. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
I estimate the unionlnonunion productivity differential for minority students attending public high schools. Education production functions are estimated for minority students attending union schools and for minority students attending nonunion schools using achievement scores as the measure of output and the individual student as the unit of observation. The union/nonunion productivity differential for average minority students is positive. However, the productivity differential is negative for minority students attending schools where the majority of students are nonminority, but the productivity differential is positive for minority students attending schools where the majority of students are minorities.  相似文献   

13.
Sexual minority women were divided into four groups to study their gender identities (butch and femme), and gender expression (traditionally gendered and non-traditionally gendered women who do not identify as butch or femme). Experiences of heterosexist events (discrimination, harassment, threats of violence, victimization, negative emotions associated with these events), mental health (self esteem, stress, depression), and supports for a sexual minority identity (social support, outness, internalized homophobia) were examined across these groups. Findings suggested that butch-identified women experienced more heterosexist events than femme women or women with non-traditional gender expressions. There were no differences in mental health variables.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

Objective: Assess the mental health and substance use of sexual minority collegiate student-athletes in the United States, as compared with heterosexual college students and heterosexual student-athletes. Participants: Undergraduate students (N = 196,872) who completed the American College Health Association's National College Health Assessment (Fall 2008–Fall 2012 administrations). Methods: Written cross-sectional survey. Results: Sexual minority student-athletes had a higher risk of experiencing mental health difficulties than their heterosexual athlete peers. There were no significant differences in mental health between sexual minority male athletes and nonathletes. Sexual minority female athletes appeared to fare better than nonathlete peers. Substance use was greater among sexual minority students (athlete and nonathlete) and was mediated by mental health. Conclusions: Participation in athletics does not appear to be associated with an elevated risk of negative mental health outcomes for sexual minority participants; however, there are disparities in mental health outcomes by sexual orientation regardless of athletics participation.  相似文献   

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Theory and research agree that connectedness to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community is an important construct to account for in understanding issues related to health and well-being among gay and bisexual men. However, the measurement of this construct among lesbian and bisexual women or racial and ethnic minority individuals has not yet been adequately investigated. This study examined the reliability and validity of an existing measure of connectedness to the LGBT Community among a diverse group of sexual minority individuals in New York City, and whether differences in connectedness existed across gender and race or ethnicity. Scores on the measure demonstrated both internal consistency and construct stability across subgroups defined by gender and race or ethnicity. The subgroups did not differ in their mean levels of connectedness, and scores on the measure demonstrated factorial, convergent, and discriminant validity, both generally and within each of the subgroups. Inconsistencies were observed with regard to which scores on the measure demonstrated predictive validity in their associations with indicators of mental health and well-being. The scale is a useful tool for researchers and practitioners interested in understanding the role of community connectedness in the lives of diverse populations of sexual minority individuals.  相似文献   

18.
We examine whether minority women in academic sociology face disadvantages that exceed those that would be expected by simply compounding the disadvantage of being a woman with that of being nonwhite or Hispanic. In a national survey of sociology departments, evidence of such “double jeopardy” appears in minority women’s severe underrepresentation among full professors, in both very small and very large departments, in undergraduate programs, in the Northeast, and in public institutions. Minority women are somewhat better represented among graduate students, but disadvantaged relative to minority men in their share of financial support. A pool of doctoral students now exists from which minority women faculty may be recruited, but these women appear to be leaving faculties faster than they are being replaced. His research interests include intergenerational family structure, social support across the life course, and U.S. antipoverty policy. He is currently collaborating on a longitudinal study of institutional predictors of the pace of affirmative action for women faculty in sociology. Her major research interest is in the area of work and personality. She is collaborating on a longitudinal study of women and minorities in U.S. sociology departments.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

In this article, I discuss how globally circulated forms of creative cultural production and digital technologies are appropriated by minority ethnocultural activists in Russia, and how these processes result in new forms of expression of ethnic culture and reinterpretation of minority cultural heritage. I focus on creative cultural and digital initiatives that have emerged within the last 5–7 years in an autonomous region of the Russian Federation: the Republic of Tatarstan. These initiatives were launched by young grass-roots activists and entrepreneurs who are Tatars – an ethnic group that predominantly resides in the Republic of Tatarstan. As a republic with a certain degree of autonomy under the Russian federal legislation, Tatarstan has been the centre of the Tatar classic cultural production (theatre, music, arts, and literature), as well as of the Tatar language education. Under the policies of centralization and cultural unification Russia has pursued under the presidency of Vladimir Putin (2000 onwards), most of the political autonomy arrangements that Tatarstan achieved in the 1990s have been dismantled. The new restrictive ideological climate in Russia has repercussions for activism around ethnocultural questions, such as preservation of minority language and identity. At the same time, dissemination of transnational forms of cultural production and the advancement of digital technologies in Russia contribute to innovative cultural developments in the regions. Adapting these global formats and genres to the local cultural activities, the young members of the Tatar community develop new forms of ethnocultural activism. They produce alternative ways of representing and articulating ethnic identity, which depart sharply from the Soviet-born templates of representing ethnic culture. The urban activities these groups pursue allow for the de-politicization of ethnocultural activism in the conditions of an increasingly restrictive ideological and political climate in which minority activism is often equated with separatism.  相似文献   

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