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Using a globally representative sample of nations between 1997 and 2004, I demonstrate that the presence of an active civil society works to decrease governmental corruption. The presence of a robust civil society holds governments accountable, informs its citizens, and provides a suitable outlet for people to voice their concerns and be heard. I analyze data using a pooled time-series, cross-sectional (TSCS) analysis. Results show that civil society strength has a significant impact on governmental corruption. These results remain significant when accounting for economic development, political institutions, and cultural-geographic controls. By emphasizing the role organized civil society plays in a broad sample of nations, this study refines our understanding of the role that non-state actors assume in the health and maintenance of their own societies. Consequently, this project demonstrates the importance of including the role of civil society in future studies of governmental corruption.  相似文献   

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This article contributes to the growing literature on the synergic production of civil society in newly democratized countries. State sponsorship can be effective when clientelism, as a form of social dominance, continues to frustrate purposive organization from below. Three elements are necessary for this scenario. First, a group of reform‐minded officials must be able to pursue an independent agenda that deviates from local elites. Second, reformers have to create new institutional avenues to channel resources downward by bypassing local politicians. Lastly, civil society organizations must be capable of effectively responding to the initiatives from above. I use Taiwan’s community movement to understand the logic and consequences of sponsoring civil society. State endorsement is critical to legitimatize community organizations’ presence in local politics. With a detailed analysis of a local case, the Qiaodou community movement, I argue that state sponsorship is critical for the growth of civil society organizations. Sponsored movement activism maintains its political independence by leveraging the incoherence in bureaucratic division of labor, and its professional expertise offers an advantageous bargaining position when facing officials.  相似文献   

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Few communities are immune to organized crime and corruption. What has not been fully explored is how education in lawfulness can be introduced into the curriculum of primary and secondary schools to confront the influences of criminal life styles that continue to be romanticized byfactions within a community. This paper reports on such efforts in Sicily, Hong Kong, Russia, and Mexico. Each community is vigorously seeking to repel negative influences from traditional strongholds of organized crime, which continue to exert powerful and pernicious effects on those societies.

Challenging organized crime requires more than governmental regulatory responses. Civic, business, labor, religious, social, and educational organizations all have a role in mitigating the scourge of lawlessness. A central question is to consider the ways in which a civil society can foster a culture of lawfulness. Promoting a set of beliefs and mobilizing the legal norms and institutions for changing, administering, and enforcing laws will enhance and protect “quality of life” is a task that some primary and secondary schools have begun to explore. One approach involves moral education, explicitly and directly teaching children and young people about the rewards and obligations in making moral and ethical decisions. This paper examines this effort in four, distinct cultural settings.  相似文献   

6.
Civil society remains a contested concept, but one that is widely embedded in global development processes. Transnationalism within civil society scholarship is often described dichotomously, either through hierarchical dependency relations or as a more amorphous networked global civil society. These two contrasting spatial imaginaries produce very particular ideas about how transnational relations contribute to civil society. Drawing on empirical material from research with civil society organizations in Barbados and Grenada, in this article I contend that civil society groups use forms of transnational social capital in their work. This does not, however, resonate with the horizontal relations associated with grassroots globalization or vertical chains of dependence. These social relations are imbued with power and agency and are entangled in situated historical, geographical and personal contexts. I conclude that the diverse transnational social relations that are part of civil society activity offer hope and possibilities for continued civil society action in these unexpected spatial arrangements.  相似文献   

7.
Few communities are immune to organized crime and corruption. What has not been fully explored is how education in lawfulness can be introduced into the curriculum of primary and secondary schools to confront the influences of criminal life styles that continue to be romanticized by factions within a community. This paper reports on such efforts in Sicily, Hong Kong, Russia, and Mexico. Each community is vigorously seeking to repel negative influences from traditional strongholds of organized crime, which continue to exert powerful and pernicious effects on those societies.Challenging organized crime requires more than governmental regulatory responses. Civic, business, labor, religious, social, and educational organizations all have a role in mitigating the scourge of lawlessness. A central question is to consider the ways in which a civil society can foster a culture of lawfulness. Promoting a set of beliefs and mobilizing the legal norms and institutions for changing, administering, and enforcing laws will enhance and protect quality of life is a task that some primary and secondary schools have begun to explore. One approach involves moral education, explicitly and directly teaching children and young people about the rewards and obligations in making moral and ethical decisions. This paper examines this effort in four, distinct cultural settings.  相似文献   

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Scholars have argued that public relations can and indeed must be used to improve society. This article builds on the work of Taylor and Doerfel (2005), who advocated for the continued study of civil society through the lens of public relations theory. This study contributes to a normative public relations model of civil society by examining how interorganizational relationships, which may initially be established for purposes of resource exchange, benefit civil society through the creation and maintenance of social capital. The study examined a segment of Peruvian civil society dedicated to media development, as media is a key partner in building civil society (Taylor, 2009). The results of the study help to explain how interorganizational relationships contribute to the creation of social capital in a civil society network, and how certain network positions are integral to maintaining the social capital of a community of actors. Implications for the role of public relations in building and maintaining networks of interorganizational communities are discussed.  相似文献   

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Transnational networks and organizations are often hailed as embodiments and carriers of global civil society, yet these assessments remain incomplete due to a lack of empirical research on their internal dynamics. In this article, I investigate whether or not transnational NGOs embody the cooperation across multiple social, cultural and political cleavages central to definitions of global civil society by exploring how multiple memberships are negotiated in the context of their everyday tasks. Using organizational documents and interview data with staff of two Protestant Christian development NGOs in China, I analyse how actors within these transnational organizations successfully manage their multiple memberships in national polities, national cultures, religious communities and a world culture. While multiple memberships exhibit the potential both to enable and to constrain an NGO's organizational tasks, the key to making such ties enabling are staff who act as skilful cross‐cultural brokers. Thus, the type of social capital required to render multiple memberships beneficial and not harmful to the organizations also makes these organizations true indicators of a developing global civil society.  相似文献   

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Both civil society in China and research on Chinese civil society have developed profoundly over the last three decades. Research on Chinese civil society can be classified into two categories: a structure‐oriented approach and an agency‐oriented approach. Both approaches acknowledge the state's dominant position in restricting the political space for civil society engagement, but they differ in their understanding of state–civil society relations. A key concern within the structure‐oriented approach is to analyze how the autonomy of civil society organizations is shaped by their structural position vis‐à‐vis the state. Agency‐oriented scholars, on the other hand, reject the analytical focus on structural autonomy. Instead, they build on a more nuanced understanding of the authoritarian yet nonmonolithic context in China and analyze how civil society organizations develop specific strategies to be able to operate within their restricted political space. In particular, agency‐oriented scholars have analyzed two ways in which organizations exercise agency: by strategically developing formal or informal ties with state actors and by bringing their engagement into the public sphere to raise awareness and express their voice. What could be further developed in the agency‐oriented approach is, however, a deeper understanding of the political dimensions of civil society agency.  相似文献   

11.
Concerns about the legitimacy and accountability of international institutions have prompted a sizable literature on the potential of civil society to help democratize global economic governance. Attention has primarily focused on the institutional factors impacting civil society participation in global governance. In this article, however, I point to the existence of yet more fundamental barriers operating at the level of discourse. I use critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyze the discourse of the World Trade Organization (WTO), focusing on a key text in which it attempts to engage directly with the concerns of civil society, supported by a broad range of additional data sources, including documentary materials, interviews, and observation. Drawing on the case of the WTO, I argue that the discourse of global governance institutions can itself act as an ‘invisible barricade’, preventing the meaningful inclusion of civil society in policy debates and deliberations.  相似文献   

12.
Based on ethnographic research in South Korea, this article investigates the gendered production of migrant rights under the global regime of temporary migration by examining two groups of Filipina women: factory workers and hostesses at American military camptown clubs. Emphasizing gendered labor processes and symbolic politics, this article offers an analytical framework to interrogate the mechanisms through which a discrepancy of rights is generated at the intersection of workplace organization and civil society mobilization. I identify two distinct labor regimes for migrant women that were shaped in the shadow of working men. Migrant women in the factories labored in the company of working men on the shop floor, which enabled them to form a co-ethnic migrant community and utilize the male-centered bonding between workers and employers. In contrast, migrant hostesses were isolated and experienced gendered stigma under the paternalistic rule of employers. Divergent forms of civil society mobilization in South Korea sustained these regimes: Migrant factory workers received recognition as workers without attention to gender-specific concerns while hostesses were construed as women victims in need of protection. Thus, Filipina factory workers were able to exercise greater labor rights by sharing the dignity of workers as a basis for their rights claims from which hostesses were excluded.  相似文献   

13.
Howell  Jude 《Social politics》2007,14(4):415-436
This article sets out to provide a framework for thinking aboutthe gendered nature of civil society. The first section looksat how civil society researchers, both past and present, havefailed to provide any analysis of the gendered relations ofcivil society. This is not least because the family is positedas a residual boundary-marker for the purposes of clearing theanalytic path for the investigation of state-civil society relations.Similarly, feminist researchers have not reworked civil societytheories to explain the engendering of civil society, a keyreason for this being that civil society is not an organizingcategory for analyzing gender relations. In the final sectionwe propose a framework of analysis that uses a circuit of genderrelations to trace the flow of gendered norms, values, and practicesacross the sites of the state, market, civil society, and thefamily.  相似文献   

14.
The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirical studies have shown that a financial crisis can inflict a serious damage on the nonprofit sector—mainly through a sharp decline in revenues. However, the Greek case shows that a crisis can also have some positive effects on NGOs: many nonprofits introduced reforms that increased efficiency, the number of volunteers reached record levels, and there was a spectacular rise in funding by private philanthropic foundations. However, Greek NGOs continue to be dependent on external funding, unable to raise large sums from their members and the wider public. Organized Greek civil society continues to be turned upside down: dependency on EU and state funds is being replaced by dependency on private foundations.  相似文献   

15.
This article examines how international resources can be used to strengthen local support for civil society initiatives in China to improve the circumstances of poor and vulnerable populations. It identifies ways in which international resources have strengthened civil society in other countries, such as enhancing access to financial resources, building capacity of leaders and organizations, reducing sector fragmentation, building public legitimacy and improving cross-sector relations. It examines the characteristics and special circumstances facing civil society in China, arguing that institutional constraints are particularly problematic. Then it explores how international resources might be applied to each of the problem areas identified given the constraints of the Chinese context. Finally the article articulates five principles that might guide international donors for building more local support for civil society activity in China.  相似文献   

16.
In recent years, citizens?? and civil society engagement with science and technology has become almost synonymous with participation in institutionally organized formats of participatory technology assessment (pTA) such as consensus conferences or stakeholder dialogues. Contrary to this view, it is argued in the article that beyond these standardized models of ??invited?? participation, there exist various forms of ??uninvited?? and independent civil society engagement, which frequently not only have more significant impact but are profoundly democratically legitimate as well. Using the two examples of patient associations and environmental and consumer organizations in the field of nanotechnology, it is illustrated that interest-based civil society interventions do play an important role in the polycentric governance of science and technology. In conclusion, some implications for the activities of TA institutions and the design of novel TA procedures are outlined.  相似文献   

17.
In the 2000 elections, organized labor mounted a“massive“ political effort. The AFL-CIO spearheaded a program that emphasized both grassroots and“checkbook” politics. Labor 2000, however, represented much more than an attempt to influence elections. Political action, dedicated to a“Working Families Agenda“ became a strategy of choice to elect candidates, influence lawmakers, mobilize union members, and recruit workers into the labor movement. In this paper, I examine Labor 2000 from a strategic-choice perspective. Specifically, I look at the scope and variety of labor's political effort; how labor allocated its political resources; the degree of competition it faced; and the election outcomes. In addition, I examine the effort in terms of its potential for transforming unions. Data from a variety of sources, some of which have not been previously used, are examined to put Labor 2000 into perspective as a strategy. The results indicate that labor did have some success in mobilizing union members politically. However, labor's impact proved insufficient to achieve immediate national election goals. Questions remain about the wisdom of political action as a strategy of choice, especially in terms of its viability as an instrument for institutional revival.  相似文献   

18.
Over a period of three months, starting in late 2013, Ukraine experienced a remarkable civic transformation. What started as peaceful protests largely consisting of young idealists, grew quickly into an organized yet decentralized social movement, a conglomeration of semi-formal initiatives, and a loosely defined network of related formal and informal organizations—a process that ultimately prompted significant political and social changes in Ukraine. This paper offers three case studies related to EuroMaidan to provide insight into the formal and informal dimensions of civil society, contrasting those with official designations. The discussion contributes to the long-debated question of the strength or weakness of civil society in the context of Eastern Europe and suggests directions for future research with regard to the conceptualization of civil society and our understanding of formality.  相似文献   

19.
The article explores how the ideas of Hannah Arendt can further public relations’ understanding of organizational listening and its role in civil society. We draw on three major theoretical concepts from Arendt and scholars studying her work—plurality, interspaces, and lamp holders—and contextualize them within existing civil society research in public relations. Reading Arendt into organizational listening and civil society literature yields insights for how public relations contributes to the maintenance of structures and spaces for deliberation and civil society. Her theory points toward the concepts of bracketing and unbracketing as ways to enter civic spaces with an awareness of power and identity. As research on organizational listening has yet to fully identify how listening can contribute to supporting representative deliberation in polarized societies, this paper helps to theoretically position listening within civil society and provides initial suggestions as to how civic-minded listening can be incorporated into public relations practices aimed at building community.  相似文献   

20.
Recent work rethinking the place of the law in Marxian analysis of capitalist society provides us with a foundation for a renewed look at the labor process. Drawing on this literature, which emphasizes the materiality of institutions through which labor is exploited, and returning to Marx’s discussion of formal subsumption in Capital, I argue that the law was central for subordinating labor. I then present three case studies from industries in Victorian England to demonstrate the diverse ways in which law was implicated in formal subsumption. The case studies focus on the ways in which capitalists used master and servant law, the key law governing the workplace, to subordinate labor. I conclude by considering how these cases provoke us to consider the materiality of the law in labor relations more broadly, and such questions might be pursued in developing capitalist economies such as China.  相似文献   

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