独生子女伤残状况及对计生扶助政策的需求分析

利用苏州市吴中区独生子女伤残家庭的问卷调查和小组访谈资料,对独生子女伤残状况及这些家庭对计生扶助政策的需求进行实证分析。结果表明：近七成独生子女伤残时的年龄在15岁以下,其中先天残疾占51．3％;重度残疾比例超过五分之二;智力残疾和精神残疾独生子女合计占比近六成;残疾后生活难以自理者比重接近三成。进一步分析发现,独生子女伤残家庭最需得到的帮扶依次为：为独生子女伤残家庭提供生活补助、为伤残独生子女父母提供养老保险补贴、提高独生子女家庭的医疗救助水平。基于以上结论．提出相关对策建议。     

失独风险、利益损害与政府责任

使用生命表和概率理论,分析了独生子女家庭与非独生子女家庭的丧子风险,二者的巨大差异证明原有的计划生育政策使独生子女家庭承担了额外的、非自愿的丧子风险.从这一角度来讲,我国政府此前实施的生育政策对失独家庭造成了利益损害,应当给予一定的补偿.本文认为,在失独问题上政府责任可以分为三个层次,分别是救助责任、补偿责任和优待责任.针对当前失独群体财政扶助中存在的问题,提出应当明确财政扶助的补偿属性,在扶助标准上实现城乡统一,以及由中央政府承担财政扶助的主要责任等政策建议.     

上海第一代独生子女父母的养老方式选择及影响因素研究—基于健康状况视角的实证分析

目前第一代独生子女父母多处于50-64岁的健康老年阶段,关于他们养老方式的研究也多基于身体状况较好时的选择.假设他们的健康状况越来越差时,他们的意愿养老方式及影响因素又是如何？现阶段尚无此方面的相关研究.本文利用上海闸北区的调查数据,从身体状况较好和较差两种视角构建模型,分析不同健康状况下上海市第一代独生子女父母的可能养老方式及影响因素,并在文章最后探讨研究结论的政策含义.     

第一代独生子女父母养老方式的选择与支持研究——以北京市为例

就我国目前的经济发展水平和人民生活水平而言,城市第一代独生子女父母进入老年后首选养老方式仍是居家养老,然而独生子女对家庭养老的支持力度却在降低,特别是在老人的生活照料和精神慰藉方面,如何解决好独生子女父母的养老问题,本文就建立和完善社区服务,政府建立辅助制度以及加强独生子女父母自身养老意识等方面给出了建议。     

第一代独生子女婚后居住方式:一项12城市的调查分析

本文考察了我国第一代独生子女婚后居住方式的分布及其与非独生子女的差别。结果表明,青年婚后小家单独居住的比例高达2/3,成为第一代独生子女婚后居住方式的主流。在与父母同住的青年中,独生子女与双方父母同住的比例相当;而非独生子女则基本上都是与男方父母同住。此外,双独家庭与老年父母同住的比例最小;单独家庭与老年父母、特别是与女方父母同住的比例最大;双非家庭与男方父母同住的比例最大。单独家庭中青年夫妇婚后居住方式明显受到性别因素的影响。论文探讨了这种居住方式的变化对家庭养老以及家庭观念等方面所具有的意义。     

独生子女与非独生子女家庭老年人养老意愿及其影响因素研究

本研究利用2014年"中国老年社会追踪调查"数据分别考察独生子女家庭和非独生子女家庭老年人的养老观念和养老意愿,重点分析两类老年人养老意愿的影响因素及其差异。结果表明大部分老年人仍然认同"养儿防老"的观念,认为养老责任主要应由子女承担,在家庭中养老仍是最为老年人接受的方式。与非独生子女家庭老年人相比,独生子女家庭老年人更偏好独立居住,对子女养老责任的期待更低,但对子女精神支持的需求更高,同时更加企盼来自政府和制度的养老支持。个人因素和家庭因素共同塑造了老年人的养老意愿,但对两类老年人的影响不同。从个人因素看,受教育程度的高低会更为显著地影响非独生子女家庭老年人的养老意愿,特别是影响其对机构养老的态度。从家庭特征看,对独生子女家庭老年人而言,配偶发挥的作用似乎超过了子女,对其养老意愿产生了更为重要的影响,"夫妻健全"的独生子女父母更偏好独立养老。"养儿"对两类老年人均有影响,但意义不同。对于非独生子女家庭老年人而言,有无儿子显著影响的是"在自己家还是子女家养老"的家庭内部决策;对于独生子女家庭老年人而言,有无儿子则显著影响了其养老地点在家庭和社会之间的抉择。     

独生子女规模估算及其对政府奖励性支出的影响——以苏州市为例

本文将抽样调查资料与人口普查资料相结合,利用多种统计方法、多方案推算苏州市独生子女存量规模以及未来各年数量,并据此测算了未来各年政府可能的配套奖励性支出。研究结果表明：独生子女大规模进入婚育年龄将势必引起政策生育率的上升,未来各年政府用于独生子女家庭及其父母养老等计划生育政策奖励性支出将逐年增加．财政负担日益加重。建议政府对计划生育配套奖励政策适时进行调整,由现行的提供物质奖励向提供优质服务和社会保障转变。     

农村50岁以上独生子女父母家庭经济状况分析——基于2010年对全国5县的调查

根据2010年对全国5县(区)的抽样调查,大多数50岁以上农村独生子女父母在经济生活方面并未真正实现少生快富,他们在晚年经济保障上存在很大问题。目前在养老的经济支撑上是以个人为主、子女和社会为辅的格局。多数家庭自身养老经济支撑能力薄弱,收入偏低,超过一半家庭经济收入低于贫困线,接近80%的父母不同程度感觉经济生活窘困。这些曾为我国人口控制做出突出贡献的老人养老的经济状况值得关注。     

农村50岁以上独生子女父母与子女经济互动及养老预期——基于对全国5县调查

根据对全国5县(区)抽样调查,农村50岁以上独生子女老年父母家庭有近6成空巢。尽管这些父母的大多数觉得2个及以上孩子对于养老来说更好,但依靠子女养老和多代同堂观念已大为削弱。这些家庭代际间财富流动以子女对父母反哺为主。6成独生子女父母赞成与子女分开住,即使子女今后搬到城镇住,也有近一半人明确表示不会到子女家住,但他们同时并未显示出对社会养老保障的信任,这种窘境使这些曾为人口控制做出突出贡献的老人面临严峻的养老挑战。     

独生子女与父母供求关系的经济学考察

子女与父母间的需求和供给具有经济属性。在独生子女家庭,由于一对夫妻养育一个子女形成数量上的不对等,往往出现父母在养育子女期间对独生子女的过度供给,而造成独生子女的人格缺陷。在父母年老时独生子女对父母的供养则出现供不应求,而形成特定的家庭问题。本文提出了父母应将壮年时对子女相对过剩的供给能力转变为积蓄以保证养老需要等方面的对策。     

中国失独妇女总量、结构及变动趋势计算机仿真研究

在回顾以往对独生子女死亡和失独家庭研究的基础上，文章从基本概念、分析方法和关键研究问题等方面指出以往研究中存在的问题，提出终身失独概率估计方法和失独育龄妇女再生育可能性等，指出用独生子女死亡概念近似失独妇女，其结果有可能大大高估时期失独妇女的总量。由于受计划生育政策影响，中国育龄妇女二孩生育水平和生育模式发生巨大变化，将失独育龄妇女再生育看做是1－＞2递进生育也有可能高估失独妇女的总量。通过人口普查、抽样调查数据和计算机微观人口系统仿真分析技术，估计目前35岁及以上失独妇女数量在140万左右，2050年前中国时期失独妇女总量超过600万的可能性不大，失独家庭达到或超过1000万的可能性也不大。     

The Prevalence and Economic Value of Doubling Up

“Doubling up” (living with relatives or nonkin) is a common source of support for low-income families, yet no study to date has estimated its economic value relative to other types of public and private support. Using longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, we examine the prevalence and economic value of doubling up among families with young children living in large American cities. We find that doubling up is a very important part of the private safety net in the first few years of a child’s life, with nearly 50 % of mothers reporting at least one instance of doubling up by the time their child is 9 years old. The estimated rental savings from doubling up is significant and comparable in magnitude to other public and private transfers.     

Does low fertility call for new policies in some Asian countries?

Over the past 2 decades, Japan, China, Singapore, Hong Kong, and South Korea have completed a demographic transition from high birth and death rates and runaway population growth to reduced fertility and mortality and population growth approaching replacement levels. Among the outcomes of fertility decline, 3 have particularly far reaching effects: 1) Changes in family types and structures. Marriage and family formation are postponed, childbearing is compressed into a narrow reproductive span that begins later and ends earlier, and higher-order births become rare. Large families are replaced by small ones, and joint and extended families tend to be replaced by nuclear families. 2) Shifts in the proportions of young and old. Declining fertility means that the population as a whole becomes older. Decreases in the proportion of children provides an opportunity to increase the coverage of education. Increases in the proportion of the elderly means higher medical costs and social and economic problems about care of the aged. 3) Changes in the work force. There is concern that low fertility and shortages of workers will cause investment labor-intensive industries to shift to countries with labor surpluses. Another outcome may be an increase in female participation in the work force. The potential consequences of rapid fertility decline have sparked debate among population experts and policy makers throughout Asia. Current family planning programs will emphasize: 1) offering a choice of methods to fit individual preferences; 2) strengthening programs for sexually active unmarried people; 3) encouraging child spacing and reproductive choice rather than simply limiting the number of births; 4) making information available on the side effects of various family planning methods; 5) providing special information and services to introduce new methods; and 6) promoting the maternal and child health benefits of breast feeding and birth spacing.     

农村家庭养老中的代际交换分析及其对父代生活质量的影响

家庭养老的实际是代际交换。从目前来看 ,在农村的家庭养老中 ,父代农民处于代际交换的劣势。他们不但背负着沉重的家庭负担 ,在年老养老时也只能依赖于子女的自觉 ,从而使自身的生活质量受到严重影响。     

Effect of development of rural commodity economy on family planning]

The paper discusses the effects of the changes of rural income level on family planning practice based a survey of 200 rural families in a affluent vegetable producing area of suburban Beijing. In 1984, 99.7% of child birth followed the local birth planning, and 99.1% of families with one child received One Child Certificates. The annual per capita income of the 200 families was 1,092 yuan (1 US$ = 3.7 yuan) in 1984 even higher than the community average. The number of children was negatively associated with the per capita income and per capita consumption except families with 4 children, most of whom have grown up. The rural mechanization in the community has greatly increased the need for skills and technology rather than strong laborers. The provision of community welfare programs and the increased living standard changed the value of children and also changed people's perception in favor of gender equality. Among families with 1 or 2 children, most preferred to have girls. And among families with more children, the preferred family size is smaller than the actual size, which shows a tendency towards favoring a small family. Among 1 child families, 58.7% considered 1 boy and 1 girl to be ideal, and 37.7% was happy with the only child. As the community becomes richer, both the community and individual families increased their investment in education. The spending on education per child was over 2 times as high in 1 child families than the families with more children. The educational status of parents is positively associated with the exception of children's future education and current spending on education. The concern of parents over children's education is an important factor in improving the quality of labor force. Women of higher education status are more acceptable to contraception and family planning policy. The relatively high level of education of the community has been conducive to it fertility decline.     

Population and social structure in a Bedfordshire parish: The Cardington listing of inhabitants, 1782

Abstract This paper describes some of the main social and demographic characteristics of a Bedfordshire parish in the second half of the eighteenth century. It is based on an analysis of the 'Listing of Inhabitants' of Cardington in 1782, and on the use of the parish registers. The listing does not allow an analysis of the entire population of the parish. Its most serious deficiency is the failure to give sufficient detail for the upper social strata of the parish population, viz. the residents of 'farm tenements' and a small number of other properties likewise poorly documented. In the main, the data given in the article refer only to the residents of 'cottage tenements'. They represent the majority of the parish population, but omit the small group at the top of village society. For the 'cottage tenement' population a number of conclusions are drawn. Within this population there was an overall excess of females over males, but the excess was slight, and the number and proportion of males and females in each age-group balanced quite closely. 43-44% of the population of known age were less than 15 years old, and almost half the population were aged between 16 and 60 years. An analysis of marital status tentatively suggests that adult celibacy was rare. The average number of residents per 'cottage' household was only a little higher than the average size of family, confirming that only a small proportion of households contained more than one family. Household and family size may have been larger among craftsmen than labourers, with the households and families of the former containing more resident offspring than those of the latter. About one in every three marriages was either a broken marriage or are-marriage. A reconstitution of certain 'cottage tenement' families tentatively suggests an average of over five baptisms per family. Yet there were only two resident offspring per family in 1782. The difference may be explained by the high level of infant and child mortality, with one-third of all baptised children failing to reach the age of 15 years, and by the high degree of population mobility, albeit over short distances.     

遗产动机对中国老年家庭储蓄率的影响

中国人口老龄化问题日益凸显,老年家庭储蓄率居高不下,标准生命周期假说理论已无法解释。基于中国家庭金融调查数据,从遗产动机视角分析老年家庭高储蓄率现象。研究结果表明,中国老年家庭遗产动机显著提升家庭储蓄率,遗产动机使得老年家庭储蓄率水平显著提高5%—10%左右。进一步研究发现,相比较于城市家庭,遗产动机对农村家庭储蓄影响显著;相对于高等财富家庭而言,遗产动机显著促进中低财富家庭储蓄率水平,说明“未富先老”使得老年家庭有更强的遗产动机进行储蓄;对于家庭不同生活状况的子女,遗产动机显著提升子女体制外工作和子女教育水平低的老年家庭储蓄率,表明中国老年家庭利他主义的遗产动机较强。本文为理解中国老年家庭的高储蓄提供了新的视角,可以为政府相关部门制定政策提供参考。     

市场转型下的老年供养研究

现代化理论预测未来家庭纽带会减弱,对老人的家庭供养会逐渐减弱。我们认为市场转型过程中,子女的人力资本和收入的快速提高有助于供养老人。利用2005年全国1%人口抽样调查数据,本文对60岁以上老年人口的主要生活来源进行了深入分析。研究表明,城市老年居民主要靠离退休金,镇和农村老年人仍有一半靠家庭供养,农村另有40%的老人依靠自我劳动生活。Logistic回归的结果显示农村家庭中子女的劳务迁移提高了老年人的家庭供养比。此外,农村、女性、高龄、低教育老人的家庭供养比高,而城市,男性,低龄,和教育程度较高的供养比低。分城乡老人家庭供养比,农村在不发达的西部最高,城市在发达的东部最高,反映家庭供养U型发展趋势。面对老人比例激增的局面,政府应积极扩大社会养老保障的覆盖面,加强扶持老年弱势群体,减轻家庭养老负担。