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网络技术的迅猛发展强烈地冲击着社会政治生活,对当代大学生产生重要影响。处于这个时代的大学生缘于网络呈现政治意识自觉拓展、群体效应的酝酿、实践场域与能力扩展以及诉求多元化与渠道缺失等特点,其形成过程表现为以热点追踪为信息源、话题讨论、观念内化、行为实践由外至内再外化的过程。针对大学生网络政治参与的现状及机理,应从完善法律法规,加强政府网络信息机制建设;优化网络政治环境,加强对大学生网络热点话题的管理;加强网络疏导,引导大学生网络群体活动有序开展;加强网络自律,树立网络名人、榜样示范效应这四个维度来建设,促进大学生网络政治参与和谐进行。 相似文献
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《青春岁月:学术版》2016,(13)
当代大学生普遍具有较高的文化素养,同时也应具有较高水平的政治素养,然而,事实却不是如此,通过大学生政治参与的现实情况可看出,大学生政治冷漠已成为一个不争的事实,这种现象是多方面因素综合的结果,包括学校、社会、就业等因素。应科学认识和正确对待大学生的"政治冷漠"现象,从国家、社会、学校、自身等方面来完善,促使大学生积极有效正确的参与到政治中来。 相似文献
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大学生政治冷漠的根源,一是大学生经济地位不独立;二是政治参与能力不足;三是政治判断力不足.大学生的政治冷漠对于其参与学校管理、建设和谐校园以及向现代公民的转化都有着消极影响.倡导由"服从型"向"参与型"过渡的学校管理方式,健全制度化的大学生参与机制,是消解大学生政治冷漠的重要途径. 相似文献
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互联网的迅速发展,给大学生提供了新的政治参与平台,提高了大学生的参与热情,但信息传播内容的碎片化、传播主体的去中心化、受众注意力的碎片化及信息平台的碎片化,在一定程度上影响着大学生的网络政治参与行为,使大学生网络政治参与存在三大困境:政治参与认知困境、政治参与内容困境和政治参与行为困境。对此,在技术层面利用先进技术,过滤垃圾信息,整合碎片信息;在政府层面需要完善法律法规,加强网络监管,引导舆论走向,实行有限实名制,增强网络问政的实效性;在高校层面加强大学生政治法律教育,提升大学生政治参与实践水平和媒介素养,推动我国政治民主化的发展。 相似文献
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《青春岁月:学术版》2015,(17)
互联网日益成为现代人生活的重要方式,大学生的政治参与正在发生着前所未有的改变,而网络参与增加了大学生参政议政的广度和深度,还提高了参与方法的时效性和有序性。针对大学生网络政治参与的出现的问题,只有科学引导,不断培育参与型政治文化,健全网络政治监管体系,加强网络法制化建设,完善大学生网络参政的渠道。 相似文献
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《现代交际》2016,(16)
大学生思想政治教育过程中网络沟通是实现教育目标的重要手段。在大学生思想政治教育中网络沟通对大学生的积极影响体现在促进了大学生思想政治教育目标的实现、丰富了教育内容、拓展了教育模式、促进了大学生思想道德素质、知识能力的提高。消极影响体现在一定程度上削弱了传统思想政治教育的主导性,弱化了高校思想政治教育者的主体性,影响了部分大学生的身心健康。提升大学生思想政治教育网络沟通的对策:提升大学生思想政治教育网络沟通主体的综合素质、强化大学生思想政治教育客体的参与意识和沟通能力,增强大学生思想政治教育网络沟通内容的现实性、优化大学生思想政治教育网络沟通的校园环境。 相似文献
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《Sociological Forum》2018,33(1):234-238
This essay raises several issues triggered by Norah Mackendrick's (2017) piece “Out of the Labs and into the Streets,” which appeared in “The Forum.” Using that essay as a springboard, I reflect on the complicated relationship between science and politics. 相似文献
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The purpose of this article is to examine the gendered politics of social work in the Indian city of Mumbai, locating it in a post-colonial context. In order to do this secondary sources are examined along with empirical data collected by the authors. These are interpreted through the framework of a social constructionist methodology that draws on political sociology as well as elements of post-colonial theory and Foucauldian post-structuralism in order to acknowledge agency within a ‘location’ marked by both constraints and opportunities. The article explores the circumstances in which politicians and administrators find themselves in Mumbai. In considering gender and developing a strategy of what we term ‘political essentialism’, it is shown that those involved have been drawing on experiences in civil society and using imagined dualisms of gender to position themselves as shapers of social work in Mumbai. 相似文献
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《Journal of Women, Politics & Policy》2013,34(4):37-56
The thesis of this study is that the political structure of a system has an impact on the ability of women within the system to achieve high positions of leadership. The study compares the political roles of women at the national level in the United States and Great Britain. Despite the high degree of similarity in the political roles of women in each country there is the one difference in that in Britain a woman has achieved the highest political office. The reason for this is explained in terms of structural differences between the British parliamentary system and U.S. presidential system. 相似文献
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Relationships between broadcast advertising exposure and variouscognitive and affective orientations were assessed in a surveyof voters during a congressional election campaign. Exposurewas moderately correlated with political knowledge and interest.Highly exposed voters were somewhat more likely to attach higheragenda priorities to issues and candidate attributes emphasizedin the commercials. Personal affect toward each candidate wasmildly associated with advertising exposure frequency. 相似文献
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青年网络政治人的无序政治参与是党和政府面临的时代挑战。当前,青年网络政治人群体在正向、优效引领政治网络化、社会化的同时,也展现出诸多不良现状:其分散性、隐匿性和自由性的行为特质促使不良政治舆情的产生,网络意见领袖和舆论制造者极大影响着普通网民的政治价值观,易盲目冲动和从众跟风的心理弱点导致其政治参与的非理性,以及在网络世界强烈宣泄现实不满而造成整体网络政治环境的压抑和躁动。因此,将青年网络政治人有效纳入统一战线,将其建设为中国特色社会主义顺利推进的助推力量,是统战工作亟需完成的使命。统战工作具有整合社会力量、推动政治参与有序运行的重要功能,因而是解决青年网络政治人无序政治参与的优势路径。 相似文献
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Sophia Hatzisavvidou 《Social movement studies》2013,12(5):509-522
‘Keeping silent’ can be a meaningful political event, a form of political activism that generates new political subjectivities and alters existing realities by reconfiguring power relations. To flesh out this argument, this paper attends to a particular silent protest and affirms it as a tactic employed by an emergent political collectivity to make itself perceptible, declare an injustice and challenge institutional power. As such, the silent event under scrutiny does not merely invite a turning of our attention to a practice that breaks the association of the political subject with the speaking subject; it also invites a reconsideration of what we are accustomed to accept as political activism. ‘Keeping silent’ is a critical practice, indeed, because it manifests an alternative possibility of being and acting; in so doing, it disrupts established patterns of thought and practice, and more specifically the rigid distinction between speech and silence. 相似文献
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《Journal of Women, Politics & Policy》2013,34(3-4):85-108
Abstract This article thoroughly examines women prime ministers and presidents (also referred to as women executives) rigorously comparing nearly all cases of women executives from 1960 through 2002. The numbers of women executives, countries they have led, and the types of governmental systems in which they came to power are analyzed. A main focus is their political and educational backgrounds. Findings suggest that the number of women making it to executive office is few but varied geographically. Women executives have diverse education and political backgrounds. An important springboard to office in Asia and Latin America has been women's familial ties to important political leaders. Even these women are more diverse than expected in terms of background and, in particular, political experience. 相似文献