斥马松亭所谓“回教即回族”的谬论

资产阶级右派分子反党、反人民、反社会主义的矛头,总是指向党和国家的一些基本制度和基本政策,他们反对党的领导,反对社会主义改造,反对人民民主制度,抹煞社会主义建设的伟大成就,在国内民族问题上就反对党的民族政策,破坏民族团结,达到其分裂各民族的恶毒阴谋.右派分子马松亭就是这样一个披着宗教外衣的政治野心家.他在民族和宗教问题上制造许多谬论,企图作为向党疯狂进攻的根据.他故意混淆回族和回教的关系,说"回教就是回族,回族回教本来是一回事."他还说:"有了回教才有回族,没有回教那来的回族?"这显然是十分荒谬的.     

抗战前后日本的“回教工作”与社团组织

自20世纪初,日本民间组织黑龙会充当日本军政界在中国大陆搜集信息的情报机关,所派来中国从事"回教工作"者不下百人。一些日本间谍以学术考察为名,渗透内地,进行地理测绘,或在北京、上海等城市成立社团组织,创办报刊,从事所谓"回教运动"。抗战全面爆发以后,日本在北京扶植成立"中国回教总联合会",从事一系列阴谋分化活动。同一时期在大后方的国统区成立了"中国回教救国协会",与日伪回教组织进行斗争,一些回族学者撰文揭露日军试图利用民族问题分化中国的阴谋。     

近代日本佛教净土真宗东、西本愿寺派与中国西藏地方政权及藏传佛教界的接触

明治维新以后,日本这个亚洲新兴的资本主义国家步西方列强之后尘,开始向外开疆拓土,近邻中国便成为日本军国主义者蚕食的对象。直至第二次世界大战结束,日本当局利用各种手段,从事了一系列旨在分裂中国西藏的活动,妄图将西藏纳入其“大东亚共荣圈”中。日     

从马克思主义的国家学说看达赖集团分裂祖国的反动本质

西藏自古以来就是中国的一部分,这无论是过去还是现在都是全世界各国所公认的事实.以达赖为首的民族分裂集团,自1959年叛逃后,在国外长期从事民族分裂活动,利用国际上提供的各种场合,到处宣称"西藏自古以来是一个独立国家"的反动谬论,利用混淆古代国家与现代国家的概念,不仅搞乱了人民群众的思想,模糊了人民群众的视线,同时也造成了极大的危害,为其推行"民族独立"的分裂活动张目.我们必须以马克思主义国家学说为指导,牢固掌握西藏自古以来就是中国的一部分的科学内涵,牢固树立正确的马克思主义祖国观,以实际行动抵制达赖的民族分裂活动,积极维护祖国统一和民族团结,为建设团结、富裕、文明、和谐的社会主义新西藏而努力奋斗.     

日本伊斯兰研究的回顾与反思

一、近代日本伊斯兰研究的起点1.产生于世界多元性认识之上的伊斯兰认识近代以前的日本并没有和任何伊斯兰国家进行过直接的接触。如下文引用的《日本和回教圈的文化交流史》的内容就是由著者小林元将其想象力和微乎其微的资料相结合,从地理位置的角度探索日本和伊斯兰的关系。“明治以前的日本人对回教及回教圈的认识,即使可以说是随着时代的变化而发展着,但是从未达到系统化或是细分化的程度。这大概是因为日本人和回教徒相互间的知识交流并不是直接性的而是间接性的缘故吧。也就是说,尽管日本的历史进程和回教圈的历史进程多少应该有过交…     

傅统先及其《中国回教史》

《中国回教史》①一书,是已故中国当代社会科学家、教育学家、著名回族伊斯兰教学者傅统先(1910—1985)先生于1937年撰写的一部与白寿彝《中国回教小史》、金吉堂《中国回教史研究》、马以愚《中国回教史鉴》齐名的民国时期(1911—1949)回族学者研究中国伊斯兰教史、中国回族史的代表性成果。1940年由商务印书馆出版。《中国回教史》是商务印书馆组编的大型“中国文化史丛书”的一种,从此中国回族、伊斯兰教史研究正式进入中国文化史研究系列,进入当时中国的学术殿堂[1](P7)。此后,台湾、日本多次印刷、再版此书,成为国外从事中国回族史及…     

回族史料学的丰收——庆贺《回族典藏全书》出版

中国历史上历朝历代,未对回回民族作跟踪记录,这就使得回族历史文化的研究,出现了研究资料非常贫乏的问题,研究人员望洋兴叹.但历史上回族人民以一种开放心态学习儒学文化,有的人有著作传世,大都保存在各地图书馆内;也有的在家族中祖辈相传,秘不示人.为了回族历史文化的顺利开展,首先应对回族人物的著作和相关资料,调查搜集,编目整理,争取条件,陆续出版. 史学大师白寿彝先生于1935年,时年26岁,在他主办的<伊斯兰>期刊第4期上发表了<中国回教史料之辑录>,这是论述回教史研究的重要性以及收集史料应采取的步骤的具有指导性的文章.如果没有中国回教的史料,不可能去研究中国回教的一切,在这篇文章中白寿彝先生说:     

《日本涉藏史:近代日本与中国西藏》简评

秦永章博士的新著《日本涉藏史:近代日本与中国西藏》(中国藏学出版社2005年8月出版)是一部比较全面地介绍和论述近代日本与我国西藏地方之间关系的学术专著。19世纪末,当日本推行其“大陆政策”对亚洲大陆进行侵略扩张时,地处南亚、中亚、东亚交合点的西藏具有相当重要的战略地位。如果控制了西藏地区,对推进其“大陆政策”无疑是大有裨益的,因此,日本当局千方百计地企图早日把西藏纳入其势力范围。然而,当时之中国西藏属于英国自定的势力范围,由于“日英同盟”的制约,日本当局不能直接染指西藏。于是便采取间接的方式,利用日本佛教团体如…     

新经济发展理念下的民族经济融合——实现中国各民族共同繁荣的新视角

实现各个民族之间"事实上的平等"作为中国民族政策的目标,其实质是消除各民族间的结构性差异;实现这一目标的根本途径是培育相对落后民族的经济自主增长能力。为此,中国的民族经济政策应该在总结和借鉴国内外经验的基础上进行调整;其方向是把民族经济融合作为制定政策的新视角,引导相对落后民族利用文化资源参与市场竞争,以推动各民族经济交往关系的结构性变化。     

20年代初期苏俄扶持外蒙古独立评析

20世纪20年代初期,苏俄从确保其国家安全需要出发,无视中国对外蒙古拥有主权的事实,一直积极大力扶持外蒙古独立,分裂中国。苏俄的上述做法,完全违背了列宁所阐述的马克思主义的民族政策原则,表现出十足的民族利己主义和大国沙文主义。     

华东回族的抗日救亡斗争

回族抗日历史,是中国抗日战争史的一部分,是回族史的重要组成部分。全面研究回族抗日史,不仅发扬了回族人民的优良传统,还有现实的政治意义。华东回族为保卫祖国,抗击日本法西斯,前仆后继,英勇战斗,为中国的抗日战争及世界反法西斯战争的胜利作出了突出贡献。     

刘震寰王连芳领导的渤海回民支队

1937年7月卢沟桥事变爆发,日本帝国主义发动全面侵华战争,中华民族面临着严峻的考验。中国共产党及时提出建立抗日民族统一战线、以民族革命战争驱逐日本帝国主义出中国的主张。全国各族人民面对日军对国土的践踏和对中国人民的屠杀,结成广泛的统一战线,共同反对日军的侵略,广大回族同胞也积极团结和行动起来,建立自己的武装开展抗日斗争,成为全国抗日力量的重要组成部分,为打败日本侵略者、争取中华民族的解放作出了贡献,谱写了现代史上回族人民的光辉诗篇。本文对刘震寰、王连芳领导的渤海回民支队的创建、发展和战斗经历作了简单的介绍。     

哈萨克斯坦东干人的民族教育与群体建构

东干人是与中国有着密切历史文化联系的中亚少数族群,是了解当下中亚政治经济发展和复杂民族关系的绝佳素材。在历史的演进中,他们形成了一套能维持文化传承和族群边界的民族教育体系,但当下受到很大的冲击和影响。     

中亚回族与口传民歌"花儿"——吉尔吉斯斯坦中亚回族民俗文化考察

东干族是指19世纪移居到中亚地区的中国西北陕甘宁回民及其后裔,亦称中亚回族。他们在130年前远离祖国之时,将西北地区的"花儿"民歌也带到了中亚地区。在苏联集体农庄时代,"花儿"民歌曾盛行于吉尔吉斯斯坦中亚回族聚居农庄,其知名歌手至今健在。苏联时期的东干语文献中也收录有"花儿"民歌。中亚回族传承了中国西北回族唱"花儿"民歌的民俗文化。在海外回族中流传的"花儿"民歌资料,是中国"花儿"体系的一个重要组成部分,也是一份珍贵的民族文化遗产,应加以研究、抢救和保护。     

试析回族妇女的抗日活动

回族妇女抗战活动是中国人民抗日战争和世界反法西斯战争的重要组成部分.本文从民族学、女性学的视角阐述了1937-1945年回族妇女的抗战活动,力求为抗日战争研究和回族妇女研究提供一定的参考.     

宗教信仰与族群边界--以保安族为例

“回回”原为一个以宗教来认同的族群集体。建国以后 ,国家承认了“回回”的民族身份 ,定名为回族 ,并依据斯大林民族定义进一步将原一律包含进“回回人”中的别具自身文化特点的一些群体识别为单独的少数民族 ,如保安族、东乡族和撒拉族。这样 ,在甘青宁地区穆斯林社会中又出现了一道新的社会边界———民族。那么 ,在当代社会生活中 ,在这个由宗教提供最主要的社会互动关联体系的社会中 ,人们如何区分群体 ?怎样确定群体之间的互动规则 ?基于宗教信仰差异的社会边界和国家认定的民族边界分别发挥着什么样的作用 ?社会生活中真实的族群边界是什么 ?本文试图以保安族为例回答上述问题。     

民族精英 国家栋梁——纪念中国回回穆斯林青年留学埃及80周年

1931年至1937年间,经考试选拔,我国35位回回穆斯林青年分六批先后赴埃及爱资哈尔大学留学,这是中国历史上最早的回回穆斯林"有组织的留学",这批留埃学生学成后都成为了民族的精英和国家的栋梁。重温这段历史,我们对当时中国的回回穆斯林学术界、宗教界、教育界的先贤们更加崇敬。     

藏彝走廊回藏民族的源流、分布述论

The Hui and Tibetans, who are found in the Tibetan-Yi corridor, are the most nu-merous and widely distributed ethnic groups in China. They both have unique cultures and reli-gions, and are very influential ethnic groups. Ac-cording to the 2010 demographic census, the pop-ulation of Tibetans in China is 6 ,282 ,187 . Most of them live in the Tibet Autonomous Region while others live in ten other Tibetan autonomous prefec-tures and counties, for example in Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai, Tianzhu Tibet-an Autonomous County in Gansu and Muli Tibetan Autonomous County in Sichuan, etc. The popula-tion of the Hui is 10 ,586 ,087 , and they are dis-tributed in various provinces, prefectures, cities and counties in China.     

回族学研究新视角——分子遗传学和生物信息学在回族学研究中的应用初探

为探讨回族学学科体系与方法论创新问题,进一步揭示回族的群体遗传特征和起源、迁徙途径,本文将分子遗传学和生物信息学的方法移植到回族学研究中。对回族和相关的国内外人群的Y染色体上SNP位点的多态性数据进行了研究,使用Arlequ in2.0软件计算了Fst遗传距离,并且进行了主成分分析,结果显示分子遗传学和生物信息学的方法对回族起源迁徙研究得出的证据可以与结合民族研究的成果和相关历史资料相对应;证明分子遗传学和生物信息学的方法可以很好地应用和移植到回族学研究中;同时,分子遗传学和生物信息学在回族学研究中的成果将为回族群体的医学基因组学、药物基因组学研究开辟新的领域,直接为回族群体的人口健康服务。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.