党项名义及族源考证

一、古羌文化网络 党项是汉代西羌的一支,而西羌则由古羌人发展、分化而来。古羌人的活动与华夏文化的开创密切相关。传说时代以治理洪水而闻名的共工氏,据汉代经学家贾逵考证为“羌姓”之人(《周语注》)。     

畏兀儿廉氏家族在陕西的文化活动与元初关陇文化的重建

蒙元之初，关中文化的提振与廉希宪等人的积极倡导密不可分。关陇地区唐末饱受战乱之苦，不复汉唐之盛，金元战争期间，经济、文化又遭到极大破坏，百废待兴。廉希宪、商挺坐镇陕西，许衡、姚枢、杨奂等多位元代文化名人来到关中兴办教育，传播思想文化，大大提振了当地文化，促进了关陇地区文化的恢复和发展。廉希宪在京兆府建“廉相泉园”并在樊川建“读书岩”，成为当地文化标志。透过廉氏家族在陕西的文化活动，可见元初关陇文化恢复发展之一斑。     

2002年炎帝与汉民族国际学术研讨会纪要

由中国民族学学会汉民族分会、宝鸡市人民政府主办 ,宝鸡炎帝研究会、宝鸡文理学院承办的“2 0 0 2年炎帝与汉民族国际学术研讨会”于 8月 12日 -15日在炎帝故里宝鸡市举行。来自北京、上海等 2 3个省、市、自治区以及港、台和日本、马来西亚等地区和国家的近百所高校、社科研究单位的百余位专家学者参加了会议。会议收到论文 10 2篇 ,并就多方面问题展开讨论。(一 )对炎帝 姜炎文化诸问题的探讨炎帝 姜炎文化问题是会议的中心议题 ,有 3 0余篇文章围绕此议题进行了探讨。关于炎帝的发祥地和活动地域 ,绝大多数学者认为宝鸡渭水流域 (即古…     

简论藏文史籍关于西夏的记载

西夏是以党项羌为主体在我国西北建立的一个地方王朝。党项羌原分布在青藏高原的东南部,是西羌游牧部落的一支,从唐初开始,党项羌为逃避吐蕃王朝的进逼,在唐朝同意下逐步内迁,最后定居于夏州、银州一带。经过几百年的生息发展,到北宋初年以银、夏(今陕北榆林、内蒙古伊克昭盟乌审旗)一带的党项平夏部建立起西夏王朝。和众多的西羌部落一样,党项羌与藏族在血缘、语言、宗教、文化习俗上都有十分密切的联系。可以说西夏的党项羌是西羌部落中在吐蕃王朝统一青藏高原的过程中未被统一进去的一部分,也是唐宋时期青藏高原的藏族和藏文化发展到最北面的一支。     

羌人入据青衣江流域时间探析

据《后汉书·西羌传》载,羌人是秦献公时代由黄河上游甘青地区"附落而南"进入川西高原的,故历史上存在于青衣江流域的"青衣羌"应属羌人向南流布的一支.但因史籍对青衣羌的记载极为简略、模糊,目前学界对其具体面貌所知甚少.本文以新挖掘的史料线索着重探讨了汉代以前青衣羌的活动踪迹,发现青衣羌出现于青衣江流域的历史甚早,至少在秦灭蜀以前并曾一度在当地建立"青衣羌国".文章认为青衣羌进入青衣江流域的时间很可能在秦献公以前,这对理解羌人南下进入藏彝走廊的时间提供了新的视角.     

炎帝文化是中华文化的重要发展阶段

全国人大周谷城副委员长在1991年5月10日的讲话中指出：“我们自古以来就是一个多民族的国家,我们通常讲自己是炎黄子孙,就是说我们都是中华民族的女儿。炎黄二帝是我们民族的象征。研究和弘扬炎黄文化,就是研究和弘扬中华民族的优秀文化。”炎帝文化研究从改革开放后,逐步形成了高潮,并在近十几年进入了新阶段。     

非洲的部族文化与地域共同文化——非洲的城市部族与超部族

一、城市的部族集团非洲的城市社会是由很多的部族集团组成的复合社会。各个部族集团又构成了城市社会的客位(下位)集团。他们以各种方式来适应城市社会,并不断发展自身的部族文化。同时,在城市社会中发挥其特有的功能,与其他文化共存。每个城市社会,通过其社会发展的过程形成了独特的城市文化。这一城市文化基本上是     

吐谷浑亲族与部族的关系探微

自吐谷浑建政以来,在其统治集团内部形成了吐谷浑亲族和羌人部族的两大势力集团,经过数十年的相互摩擦、碰撞、斗争,逐渐消除了吐谷浑亲族和部族间的矛盾冲突,开始相互认同、相互融合,这不仅加强了吐谷浑统治集团内部的凝聚力,而且其开始走向对外发展;发展中不断吸纳新的部族,逐渐形成了吐谷浑民族。     

古代羌人与藏区土著居民的融合

一关于古羌人向藏区的迁徙远古时代“三苗”等内地居民不断西迁,与西北河湟等地区的土著居民融合而成为羌,羌又以河湟为中心不断向其东、南、北及西南地区迁徙,与今西藏、青海、四川藏区的土著居民不断融合而发展为今天的藏族。在距今不少于三、四千年前的新石器时代,河湟羌人,由于畜牧、狩猎、采集乃至发展农业的需要,就开始了向南及西南地区的迁徙。西藏林芝新石器时代文化遗址中出     

未凋谢的芸花——摩梭女儿国探微之二

青海省“三河”(黄河、赐支河、湟河)地区是西羌的发祥地,也是华夏文明发源地之一。本文通过对青海省柳湾等地古西羌人的考古新发现及历史文献记载和羌人在大迁徙中与土著“东女国”等母系文化的关系进行比较研究后,得出结论:摩梭女儿国母系氏族社会是在特殊的社会地理环境之下,如同芸花再现,这种返祖现象的存在不过才1500年左右,她与原始社会的母系氏族社会已有本质的区别,她仍然是封建私有制的产物,是一种新的母系氏族文化。     

钦州西部的地方历史与都峒之民祖先记忆的创制

本文意在分析宋明以降钦州西部溪峒社会的变迁与当地人群祖先记忆创制之间的关系。在宋代,今广西防城港市一带为广南西路钦州西部七峒之地,是一种以地方酋领为核心的社会。进入明代,里甲制度的推行以及宣德年间的弃交趾事件,使七峒中的四峒叛附安南。嘉靖间,知州林希元加强了对钦州西部的经营,他还参与当时的"议征安南",积极主战。于是,四峒一事成为林主张"讨"安南、"取"安南的重要理由。此时,四峒之民也急于归正复业。正是在这种情景下,"汉将后裔"的记忆得到创制。     

准噶尔部形成考辨

准噶尔部即左部 ,它源于 15世纪 6 0年代末厄鲁特汗国的左部 ,16世纪初 ,伴随着汗国的变迁 ,由行政建制区蜕变为部落 ,准噶尔一名亦作为部落名称沿用下来。噶尔丹称汗建国 ,准噶尔遂成为汗国名称之一。准噶尔汗国灭亡 ,其名称逐渐演变成部名和地名。     

“泛中原农耕文明板块”视域中的西南边疆及土司研究

到1820年中国疆域最终底定时,当年汉武帝所开拓的"泛中原农耕文明板块"的边缘地带——曾相对稳定的朝鲜四郡、南越三郡已先后自立,但素来交通闭塞、瘴疠肆虐、经济文化独特、割据势力强劲,风雨飘摇一千余年的西南夷之地依然掌握在清廷之手。这是因为该区域是元世祖忽必烈龙兴之地,他在此创设行省、创制土司制以加强统治;明朝则希冀利用该地的自然与人力资源建立后方基地,以此严防北元重新占领西南,掊击其后背;清朝则为了防止蒙藏势力与西南土司势力合流、保障滇铜供应,通过改土归流等措施以强化对西南的经营。上述三朝的有力举措,辅之以明后期以降携带着耐高寒、耐瘠土且高产的美洲农作物种子的中原农民移植此地,使得素称难治的西南地区最终成为"泛中原板块"的一部分。     

女真族所建立的金上京会宁府

女真族于公元1115年兴起于白山黑水地区,并在今松花江支流阿什河畔建立了一座古代都城,即金代的五京之首--金上京会宁府.新兴的女真族,在聚合了辽、宋两大王朝的政治、经济、文化、军事的综合力量之后,把中原地区和燕山南北成熟的先进文化带入黑龙江流域,并使得这一地区成为当时东北亚地域最繁荣的都市文明区.近百年来,在上京古城内及其周边地区,出土的大量宋、辽、金、西夏等国的精美文物,充分说明了女真族所建立的金上京城,已经成为当时东北亚及中国北部的政治、经济中心.     

论蒙古族科尔沁文化

科尔沁文化是指蒙古族科尔沁地区的区域文化。“科尔沁”既是蒙古族古老部族的概念,又是地域地理概念。科尔沁文化作为蒙古族文化的重要组成部分和草原文化多元一体中的一个重要区系,有着自己独特的风韵,这主要取决于科尔沁的独特自然环境和地理位置。科尔沁文化内涵丰富,里面蕴含着“崇尚英雄”、“辅佐社稷”、“追求发展”、“热爱故乡”、“保护生态”、“坚忍不拔”等人文思想。特别是科尔沁文化所折射出的“坚毅、包容、创新、进取“的人文精神,为我们今天建设先进文化提供了坚实的基础,其优良传统应当很好地继承,并在新的实践基础上不断创新,为科尔沁地区的经济建设和社会全面进步提供智力支持。     

清初汗号与满蒙关系

汗,作为北亚民族首领的名号很早就开始使用了。在以往的研究中,没有充分注意到清早期最高首领名号的历史渊源和蒙古背景问题。本文试图从早期满蒙关系的角度,考察清初三位汗的汗号源流与背景。文章指出,汗号是通过蒙古各部传入包括满洲在内的女真各部的;不管亚洲东北部满蒙地区各部落的内部组织如何,他们在政治机构的构造上已经形成了共同的制度文化。     

鲍德温•斯宾塞与后维多利亚时代的古典人类学

The post-Victorian anthropologist Baldwin Spencer was the first to investigate the central and northern aboriginal tribes of Australia. His ethnographic works in this area have greatly in-fluenced related disciplines and studies in fields such as kinship, totem worship, and primitive reli-gions. In the field of classics and anthropology, Spencer’s academic heritage has received wide-spread respect and recognition, and has made sub-sequent academic discussion possible. In order to present Spencer’s personal experiences and aca-demic ideas clearly and comprehensively, it is nec-essary to return to the post-Victorian context, and comb Spencer’ s life history and academic history. Taking important clues from various times an e-vents in his life, the paper introduces three peri-ods:Spencer’s early training in the discipline and his epistemic background, his medium-term eth-nographic investigations and works, and the later investigations of Tierra del Fuego. Textual study, based on Spencer’s life history and academic histo-ry, is very useful to understand his ethnographic investigations. Sir Walter Baldwin Spencer ( 1860 -1929 ) was born on 23 June, 1860 in Lancashire, Eng-land. Spencer was educated at Old Trafford School and at the Manchester School of Art. His interest in art and sketching was lifelong, and would reveal itself in his competence as a scientific draftsman and illustrator ( D. J. Mulvaney,1990 ) . Entering Owens College ( Victoria University of Manchester) in 1879, Spencer intended to study medicine. In-spired by Milnes Marshall, a disciple of Darwin disciple, he became a committed evolutionary biol-ogist, soon abandoning conventional religion. He entered the University of Oxford in 1881 to study
science under Professor H. N. Moseley, who com-bined an enthusiasm for evolutionary biology with ethnological interests. Spencer grasped Oxford ’ s diverse opportunities, which included lectures by Ruskin and E. B. Tylor. In 1887, Spencer ar-rived at Melbourne University . With his colleague Professor David Masson, Spencer helped to trans-form university standards and they co-operated as entrepreneurs of Australian science. Spencer was recruited as zoologist and photog-rapher in the 1894 Horn scientific exploration ex-pedition to central Australia. His anthropological interest was rekindled when he met F. J. Gillen, the Alice Springs postmaster, during the expedi-tion. In 1896 Spencer joined Gillen for the most intensive fieldwork then attempted in Australia. The Native Tribes of Central Australia ( 1899 ) , which resulted, was to influence contemporary theories on social evolution and interpretations of the origins of art and ceremonial practices. Spencer and Gillen drove a buggy from Oodnadatta to Borroloola in 1901-02 . Their research resulted in The Northern Tribes of Central Australia ( 1904 );Haddon had written that the names of Spencer and Gillen are familiar to every ethnologist in the world, and probably no books on ethnology have been so wide-ly noticed and criticized as have The Native Tribes of Central Australia and The Northern Tribes of Central Australia (A. C. Haddon ,1902). To assist the Government of the Common-wealth, Spencer was appointed Special Commis-sioner for Aboriginals in the Northern Territory, and also their Chief Protector. He also led three other scientists, including J. A. Gilruth, on the 1911 Preliminary Scientific Expedition. Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia (1914)
described his ethnographic observations and the ex-tensive collections made on the expedition. At the government ’ s request, Spencer visited Alice Springs and Hermannsburg in 1923 . He published The Arunta: A Study of a Stone Age People ( 2 vols, 1927 ) to respond to the criticisms derived from Carl Stretlow and defend his work. A popular rewrite of previous books followed—Wanderings in Wild Australia ( 2 vols, 1928 )—this time under his sole authorship. Spencer retired as emeritus professor in 1919 . His nerves and his judgments were impaired from the strain of continuous overwork, the virtual disin-tegration of his marriage, and he was finally hospi-talized in 1921 . His health improved and within two years he resumed anthropological activities and rebuilt his art collection. He sailed to Tierra del Fuego together with Jean Hamilton to undertake anthropological studies early in 1929. Spencer, with an unrivalled record of anthropological field-work in Australia, undertook this journey to fill a gap in our knowledge, and compare very different and remote races of mankind (A. C. H. ,1931). However, his gallant attempt was prematurely frus-trated by his death from angina pectoris, at which point he had been only two months in the field. His notes were organized and published as Spencer’s Last Journey (1931). His achievements were recognized. Elected as a fellow of the Royal Society in 1900 , he was ap-pointed C. M. G. in 1904 and K. C. M. G. in 1916 . Manchester University conferred him with an honorary doctorate of science, while Melbourne a-warded him a doctorate of letters. Exeter College, Oxford, elected him to an honorary fellowship in 1907 , and stained glass in its hall commemorates his contribution. James Frazer’s letter to Spencer in 1899 was prophetic: books like mine, merely speculative, will be superseded sooner or later ( the sooner the better for the sake of truth) by bet-ter induction based on fuller knowledge;books like yours, containing records of observations, will nev-er be superseded ( John M. Cooper, 1932 ) . Therefore, the sense and value of reading and un-derstanding Spencer and his books today goes with-out saying.     

论少数民族文化发展与民族关系和谐的互动

我国是一个多元文化的国家,少数民族文化是中华文化的重要组成部分。少数民族文化的繁荣发展对于社会主义民族关系的健康发展以及和谐社会的构建具有重要的作用和意义。十七届六中全会提出了"文化强国"战略,少数民族文化的发展对于中国经济社会建设的作用愈发凸显。厘清少数民族文化发展繁荣与社会主义民族关系构建的关系,明确少数民族文化的大发展大繁荣对于中国经济社会发展的重要作用和意义,规划发展繁荣少数民族文化的有效措施,将是我们当前民族研究工作的重要内容之一。     

汉武帝时期属国文化地位辨析

属国是游牧民族与中原政权间经济文化交往的特殊形式。汉武帝增属国,因故俗统治归降民族人口,草原文化与农耕文化在其中直接交融,形成当时两种文化交往最繁盛和草原文化保持最浓厚地区。     

秦"大梓牛神"传说及其巫文化气质

从战国时代的《秦记》到六朝志怪文本,秦"大梓牛神"传说得到较为广泛的传播。古典文献对这种栖身于树的森林精灵及其灵验的类似记载,曾经形成一种特定的叙述模式或文化母题,它在人类学的视野观照下,彰显出巫文化在不同时代和民族原始遗留的世界普遍性。就其本事来考察,秦王砍伐大梓树的集体行为,实际上是古代社会结合巫舞而演示的一场较为正规性的巫术驱邪活动。