The Nationalist Government and the Creation of the United Nations

太平洋战争爆发后国民政府积极参与联合国的筹建活动,外交决策层就联合国的组织架构、运作机制以及中国在其中的地位提出了多个方案,而将确保中国的大国地位作为参与筹建联合国的首要目标。为实现这一目标,国民政府在敦巴顿橡树园会议上采取务实的方针。至旧金山会议中国的大国地位已基本确立之时,中国代表团才更多地关注联合国的组织和机制。     

EU and China: Destined to Be Partners in Shaping the Post-Kyoto Regime?

This paper argues that China and the EU are destined to be partners in fighting for a second period of commitments for global climate change governance and shaping the post-Kyoto regime to meet the anticipated challenges of the 21^st century. The basic idea backing this argumentation is the assessment that, in comparison with other nations (the United States, Russia, India, Japan and Canada), Europe and China would have most to lose if the upgrading of the Kyoto Protocol fails; and conversely, they would have most to win if the regime survives in a modernized form and with a more comprehensive application of international binding commitments. This is to say, the EU and China have no choice but to work together if they want to achieve their respective political objectives relating to the issue of global climate change in a less costly and more effective way.     

Killing the Golden Goose? Third Sector Organizations and Back‐to‐Work Programmes in Germany and the UK

Third sector, or not-for-profit, organizations have been viewed in many parts of Europe as agencies that can be harnessed by public policy programmes to support the socially excluded. Within the emerging mixed economy of welfare, third sector agencies offering training, support and employment for groups disadvantaged in the labour market provide an important example. This illustrates, from one specific field, the dynamics occurring at the interface between public and third sectors in the delivery of public policy goals. This article examines both the history of 'partnership regimes' in this field and the evolving local organizational arrangement. The developments in the contrasting welfare regimes of Britain and Germany, which exemplify different institutional traditions, are analysed. The potential impact of regulatory changes on the capacity of third sector work integration agencies to deliver policy goals is assessed in both countries using evidence from recent case study research. The analysis suggests that the emerging managerialist partnership structures are tending to convert third sector organizations into 'just in time' deliverers of poor programme outcomes in both welfare regimes while also eroding their distinctive potential to provide more than mere labour market integration.     

The 1943 Sino-British Talks onthe Abolition of Unequal Treaties and the Hong Kong Problem

Anewtreatywassignedon11January1943,betweentheChineseandBritishgovernments,concerningtheabolitionoftheextraterritorialityenjoyedbyEnglandinChina,1andwaswelcornedwidelybyboththeChineseandforeigners.YetwiththecontinuedBritishoccupationofHongKongandKowloon,aswellasotherproblemsarisingfromunequaltreaties,thesolutionstowhichwerepostponedtotheendofthewar,2thisagreementdidnotbringgenuineequalitytotheSino-Britishrelationship.However,asitdidtheoreticallytolltheknellofChina'sunequaltreaties,itsinflu…     

But is it ‘Fair'? The UK Coalition Government, ‘Fairness’ and the ‘Reform’ of Public Sector Pensions

The article analyses arguments for reform of public sector pension schemes by the UK Coalition government on the grounds that existing provision is ‘unfair’. Three dimensions of ‘fairness’ are discussed. That between public and private sector provision; between the costs to public sector employees and other taxpayers; and between members of public sector schemes. The article argues that there are serious weaknesses in the Coalition position on each of these dimensions of ‘fairness’. It suggests that these weaknesses are rooted in the discussion of public sector pensions in isolation from the overall pattern of occupational pension provision in the UK and that a more satisfactory analysis requires reference to principles of distributive justice.     

Voluntary Pension Saving for Old Age: Are the Objectives of Self‐responsibility and Security Compatible?

Fiscal pressure and demographic change lead governments to seek ways of reducing state expenditure on pensions. Individuals are asked to take more responsibility, and funded, supplementary pension schemes have been established in many countries. This article looks at schemes that are voluntary – the NEST or Personal Accounts scheme in Britain and the Riester Pension scheme in Germany. It examines the debate about whether it is worthwhile for some people to participate in pension schemes that are not mandatory – particularly those with low incomes and/or potentially broken careers. The small pensions they accumulate in such schemes merely offset entitlements to means‐tested pension benefits, leaving them no better off in old age. Concerns about the behavioural consequences of pension means‐testing are not new. Nonetheless, few policymakers have been willing to look at when and how such concerns were expressed in the context of voluntary pension savings. Equally, they have seldom been prepared to explain the costs involved in guaranteeing savings‐based pensions or the implications that the lack of offering such a guarantee might have for individual behaviour. The state has sought for people to take greater ‘self‐responsibility’ for their retirement income, but many people wish for some certainty with respect to the pensions they can expect. These goals might well be in conflict. Whether the ‘state pension for the 21st century’, as proposed by the UK government, will succeed in satisfying the objectives both of the state and of pension savers remains an open question.     

Negotiation on Coalition Government and Chinese Politics in the Final Stage of the Anti-Japanese War

1944年5月至1945年2月的国共谈判,是中共主导下的、以联合政府为主题的、抗战时期国共最后一次谈判。此次谈判的主要特点是背景决定谈判的进程。背景的构成及其作用表现为四个方面:日军的进攻削弱了国民党的军事力量和政治地位;美国对国共关系的干预导致中共问题国际化;民盟对联合政府的支持决定了中共的政治优势而预测中的苏军入华参战问题则制约着国民党的妥协程度。联合政府口号的提出,标志着中共对国民党的政策由改良转变为革命。     

The changing relationship between the Chinese Government and Non-governmental Organisations in social service delivery: approaching partnership?

Using the Guangzhou social governance reform pilot as a case, this paper aims to explore the transformation of Chinese governments in managing collaborative non-governmental organisation (NGO) relationships. Local governments have adopted multiple new governance tools, and the expansion of the NGO sector with genuine grassroots development has been observed. However, valuable principles of New Public Management (NPM) paradigm have not been followed, and strong authoritarian and bureaucratic practices have been revealed. The state–NGO relationship has moved from a typical statist to a state-corporatist model. Findings indicate distinctive features of Asian public administration and the limitations of applying Westernized NPM models.     

What Should the Government Do in Face of Stowaways through Un-derground Channels?

In present day China, if the income gapis greater than 1:1.5, there will be cross-en-terprise labor flows; if greater than 1:2, therewill be cross-regional movements; and ifgreater than 1:10, then cross-national migra-tion will be inevitable. It can be said withcertainty that the Chinese labor exports arenot too great but too little. The reason forthis is insufficient experience and effort onthe part of the Chinese society in opening upthe labor market abroad rather than the qual-ity of the C…     

Local elected officials and environmental policy: Does rural matter anymore?

A survey was mailed to elected officials (mayors and city council) from a sample of 52 rural communities in Idaho and all 7 communities with populations above 20,000 to examine whether there is a relationship between environmental policy issues and various independent variables such as economic type, age, gender, rural/ urban, political ideology, and percentage of life lived in the current community. One-hundred and fifty-five (155) out of three hundred twenty seven (327) respondents returned the survey for a response rate of 47%. The findings reveal that while the rural/urban dichotomy consistently predicted for questions on “trust of information sources,” overall economic base was a better predictor of attitudes toward environmental issues and policy.     

The Collective Transformation of Labor Relations and Improvement of the Government’s Labor Policy

China is currently undergoing a transition from individual to collective labor relations. The enactment of the Labor Contract Law marks the initial completion of adjustments to individual labor relations in terms of legal construction, as well as the starting point for the adjustment of collective labor relations. The construction and regulation of individual labor relations is not sufficient to resolve the conflict between labor and capital or to maintain industrial peace. In the shift toward collective labor relations there are two complementary forces and paths: the government-led top-down construction process, and the workers’ spontaneous bottom-up mobilization. The shift from disputes over rights to disputes over interests is an important characteristic of the transition toward collective labor relations. Chinese labor policy urgently needs to be reconstructed and refined. Its content should include the guiding role of labor relations theory and choice of adjustment models, sound collective labor law, recognition of the collective rights of workers, handling of the relationship of labor’s two forces, etc.     

The Collective Transformation of Labor Relations and Improvement of the Government＇s Labor Policy

中国的劳动关系正由个别劳动关系调整向集体劳动关系调整转型。《劳动合同法》的颁布实施,标志着中国劳动关系的个别调整在法律建构上已经初步完成,同时也开启了劳动关系集体调整的新起点。现实中的个别劳动关系建构和调整,已经无法解决劳资矛盾和维系劳动关系的稳定。在劳动关系集体化转型的过程中,有两种互补的力量和途径：一是政府主导的自上而下的建构过程,二是劳动者自发的自下而上的促进过程。从权利争议到利益争议,是劳动关系集体化转型的重要特点。中国的劳工政策亟待调整和完善,内容包括劳动关系理论指导和调整模式的选择、集体劳动法的健全、劳动者集体权利的确认以及两种劳工力量的关系处理等。     

Inequality in the welfare state? Local variation in care of the elderly – the case of Sweden

This article uses Sweden as an example to describe and analyse municipal variation in services and care for elderly people. Responsibility for these services lies with the municipalities. National statistical data on municipalities are analysed to map out the variations in old-age care; to study compensating factors in the care system; and to explore the connection with municipal structural and political conditions. The overall finding of the bivariate analyses was that most relations with structure and policy were weak or non-existent. The final multivariate model explained only 15% of the variance. The large differences between municipalities makes it more appropriate to talk about a multitude of 'welfare municipalities' rather than one single welfare state. The article concludes that this municipal disparity constitutes a greater threat to the principle of equality in care of the elderly than gender and socio-economic differences.     

Un-charted Territory? Experiences of the Purchaser/Provider Split in Local Authority Children's Services

¹Ian Kirkpatrick Public Services Research Unit. Cardiff Business School, Aberconway Building, Colum Road, Cardiff CF1 3EU, UK. Summary A primary goal of Conservative government policy, expressedin the 1990 National Health Service and Community Care Act,was to encourage the development of market mechanisms throughthe separation of purchaser and provider roles. The main targetfor reform was to be adult services although, in the absenceof specific guidance, a number of local authorities also implementedpurchaser/provider structures in services for children and families.To date, little attention has been given in the literature eitherto describing what purchaser/provider structures involve inthis context or to assessing their impact. Drawing on case studydata from seven local authorities, this article seeks to addressthese deficiencies. It is argued that many changes have beencosmetic and that, while it is not possible to evaluate thelong-term effectiveness of the model, there is evidence thatit can have some negative consequences for the co-ordinationand delivery of services.