INVOKING AFFECT

This article interrogates the contemporary emergence of affect as critical object and perspective through which to understand the social world and our place within it. Emphasising the unexpected, the singular or the quirky over the generally applicable, the turn to affect builds on important work in cultural studies on the pitfalls of writing the body out of theory. More importantly for this article, the contemporary interest in affect evidences a dissatisfaction with poststructuralist approaches to power, framed as hegemonic in their negativity and insistence of social structures rather than interpersonal relationships as formative of the subject. The article focuses on the recent contributions of Brain Massumi and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick in particular, unpacking their celebration of the difference that affect makes. The author's critique of the affective turn focuses on both the illusion of choice that it offers the cultural critic, and its rewriting of the recent history of cultural theory to position affect as ‘the new cutting edge’. While affect may constitute a valuable critical focus in context, it frequently emerges through a circular logic designed to persuade ‘paranoid theorists’ into a more productive frame of mind - for who would not prefer affective freedom to social determinism? Yet it remains unclear what role affect may have once this rhetoric has worked its persuasive magic. In addition, and more worryingly, affective rewriting flattens out poststructuralist inquiry by ignoring the counter-hegemonic contributions of postcolonial and feminist theorists, only thereby positioning affect as ‘the answer’ to contemporary problems of cultural theory.     

Toward a Regeneration of Revolutionary Theory

Revolutionary theorists are currently immersed in a critical debate about the future of the field. Allinson has argued that a fifth generation of revolutionary theory has passed us by without our noticing, while I have contended that it is revolutionary theory's fourth generation that is decidedly imperilled. Ritter and Beck – for their part- contend that we should reject the very idea of theoretical ‘generations’, and instead think of progress in revolutionary theory as a series of ongoing and settled debates about certain key topics. The pair contend that revolutionary theory has reached a consensus on two core debates: defining our object of study and determining appropriate methods. Contrary to this position, I argue that while there is much to praise about rejecting generational imagery, doing so necessarily entails that we also critique the self-proclaimed ‘fourth generation' with which such imagery is intertwined. Furthermore, I argue that there does not yet exist consensus among revolutionary theorists about a single definition of revolution, or on the question of which methods to use. Finally, I call for a regeneration of revolutionary theory which moves genuinely beyond the generational mythologies of the past.     

The (postcolonial) return of grand theory in American sociology: Julian Go on postcolonial thought and social theory

Julian Go's BJS annual lecture is discussed in reference to his landmark OUP text Postcolonial Thought and Social Theory (2016). Go is one of the most prominent names in a "third wave" of post-colonial thought, now spearheading a post- (or de-) colonial turn in sociological theory, something that has professionally revived the sub-field of "grand" social theory in mainstream US sociology. While endorsing the aims and substantive themes of this turn, the review raises questions about the delayed timing of this post-colonial wave in the discipline, both relative to the humanities more generally, and to the impact of post-colonialism in other national contexts. Go's challenge is, in effect, something quite particular to teaching social theory in the US sociology context. The review goes on to question how effectively the critique speaks to mainstream empirical practitioners, given its lack of focus on transforming technical methods. It concludes by raising concerns about the relationship of Go and other "third wave" decolonial theorists to Marxism and Marxist politics.     

I Feel Therefore I Am:

Feminist theorists often reject "reason" as the basis for a feminist epistemology on the grounds that it is "male." this criticism of reason has sometimes been axiomatic and unconvincing. In place of "male reason," many feminist theorists have advanced the epistemological proposition that women know what they know via their "experiences." Using "experience" as the basis for a feminist epistemology hsa conceptual and practical problems: it invites and perpetuates the use of a stereotypical Female thus fostering essentialist theories which romanticize women and feminine attributes. Moreover, it is difficult to operationalize as the experiences of women vary dramatically across time and cultures, classes, races, etc. Problems with the feminist critique of reason and the use of experience as a substitute for rationalist epistemologies indicates that serious reevaluations for the maleness of "reason" and the femaleness of "experience" and intuition are in order.     

A conversation on madness: Foucault and Ripa

Written as a fictitious dialogue between two of this generation’s most prolific social theorists, this unique analysis explores the similarities and divergences of Michel Foucault’s and Yannick Ripa’s scholarship on madness. During an imagined meeting at a local café, a spirited dialogue emerges addressing mutual agreement and unwavering criticism of each author’s perspective of how madness was constructed and managed throughout the classical and Victorian eras. Ripa’s primary motive is to challenge Foucault for ignoring the feminine critique within his over-arching theories of social and patriarchal systems of control. On the other hand, Foucault’s vested interest is to explore Ripa’s narrowed historical scope that he feels was essentially built upon his own scholarship without acknowledgement. Drawing upon a comparative study of Foucault’s History of Madness and Ripa’s Women and Madness, the two theorists engage in a revealing conversation about aspects of political economy, shifting roles of religious ideology, gender effects, the social construction of insanity, and the historical methods of incarceration.     

'Bataille's boys': postmodernity, Fascists and football fans

In his analysis of football hooliganism, Anthony King claims to reveal the historical, conceptual scheme young, male supporters draw upon. This 'masculine vision', he states, is similar to that held by the Freikorps. Both groups are said to adhere to modernist notions of masculinity, sexuality and nationhood, reinforced by rituals which maintain boundaries between these 'proper' males and deviant 'others'. Occasionally, football hooligans breach these boundaries in acts of postmodern transgression. King also claims that fans link sex and violence in their imaginations. In this response I examine King's critique of his fellow theorists; challenge his 'Freikorps-Fans' analogy; demonstrate the problem he has in establishing the sex-violence link and question the relevance of his concept of postmodernity.     

The internal death of Japanoise

Japanese noise music (Japanoise) has strong associations with death. In the early stages of Japanoise’s development, practitioners would often make reference to eroticism, violence and death in their performances and album artwork to help visualise the “excess” of their sound. The discourse of Japanoise also draws on these associations, through concepts such as disembodiment, to help frame this transgressive enterprise. Death becomes a way of visualising and conceptualising a subversive style of music that attempts to leave the world of limits and meaning. Paul Hegarty and Eugene Thacker both account for Japanoise in these terms. Although death is only implicit in their writing, it will be argued that this understanding of death is essential to what Hegarty means by failure and what Thacker means by disembodiment. This paper will show how, for both theorists, death names a paradoxical yet extreme form of possibility that enables Japanoise to test limits. However, the problem with this understanding is that it holds Japanoise to a limited framework. It essentialises the concepts of negativity and subversion to the economy of Japanoise. This paper will argue that Japanoise cannot be limited to these concepts if it hopes to be more than an oppositional form of music and a tired form of transgression. This requires that its relationship with death not be reduced to a form of production or act of will. By arguing that Hegarty and Thacker’s accounts of noise can be read as Heideggerian, this essay will critique this understanding by drawing on Maurice Blanchot’s account of death. This critique will show how a different understanding of death enables a more nuanced understanding of Japanoise.     

TAKING THE RHETORIC OUT OF THEORETIC DEBATE: A Rejoinder to Michalski

Michalski's (2008 ) critique of Marshall (2008 ) is rebutted. It is demonstrated that Michalski's response largely fails to address the substance of Marshall's argument, and instead deploys a number of characteristically Blackian rhetorical strategies to obscure the field. These include an inconsistent and opportunistic rejection of philosophical argument, the lamentation of an imaginary victimization, a reliance on reassertion over reasoning, the use of misleading examples, an attempt to turn to the critique against the critic, and the exaggeration of empirical evidence. As a result, his critique is not only unconvincing, but further substantiates Marshall's case.     

‘The smell of the place’: Managerialist culture in contemporary UK business schools

By introducing an intentionally provocative critique of managerialist regimes which typify contemporary UK business school culture, we argue that current business school management practices generate a climate of mistrust and alienation amongst academics. Such a climate is not conducive to a reformative agenda that business schools should be pursuing if they are to improve staff morale and the educational environment. Drawing on Ghoshal's ‘smell of the place’ metaphor to structure this argument, we court deliberate irony and paradox. Rather than draw on heterodox theory to inform our critique we, instead, turn relatively mainstream management and organization theory against itself. Our argument is that even when examined through orthodox lenses, managerialist practices are found wanting and contradict the precepts of much mainstream normative theory.     

A Theory of Moral Outrage: Indignation and Eighteenth-century British Abolitionism

Indignation was an essential but neglected affective component of British abolitionism. Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce and other opponents of the slave trade appealed to indignation in order to arouse public support for abolition. They drew upon prevailing understandings of indignation as a moral sentiment related to, but distinct from, benevolent feelings such as sympathy. According to moral sense theorists like Thomas Hutcheson and Adam Smith, sympathy for victims inspired righteous indignation against victimizers. This in turn promoted political reform. The essay traces philosophical connections between sympathy and indignation, and then explores how abolitionists successfully inspired righteous indignation against planters, slave traders and their apologists.     

Putting the critique back into a Critique of Information: refusing to follow the order

This paper argues that Scott Lash's Critique of Information is one of the most important works of the new informational order: the Order. However, despite its comprehensive and insightful analysis, it illustrates a common trend amongst theorists whereby the inherent pessimism of their arguments' logic tends to be replaced by an unwarranted optimism regarding their conclusions. This criticism is applied to Lash's critique, which is further supplemented by a rejection of Lash's argument that the transcendent perspective necessary for critical theory has been supplanted in the information age by an immanent all-at-onceness. The much more negative perceptions of the social and cultural effects of the Order to be found within literature and cultural history are defended as valuable sources of critical perspectives that may still help to aid theory as it struggles to keep up with the Order's discombobulating flows.     

Deconstruction,postmodernism and philosophy of science: Some Epistemo‐critical bearings

Abstract

In the recent critique of ‘Western metaphysics’ by post‐structuralist and postmodern theorists, there has emerged a distinctive line of thought which seeks to apply such critique to the domain of political theory. This paper approaches Hannah Arendt's conceptualisation of the political as a proto‐type of such a theorisation, deploying as it does key elements of the Heideggerian (and more broadly, phenomenological) position so as to rethink the nature of the political. By delineating the specifically ‘post‐metaphysical’ moments of Arendt's theory and its corresponding critique of political modernity, I endeavour to illuminate both the advantages and pitfalls of contemporary efforts at developing a philosophical conception of the political on the basis of a neo‐Heideggerian position.     

Neoconservatism,bohemia and the moral economy of neoliberalism

This paper is concerned with the moral economy of neoliberalism. The goal is to show the development of this moral economy through the discourse of neoconservatism. The research pays particular attention to the incorporation of aspects of bohemia in the construction of this moral economy. The paper charts the development of the neoconservative moral critique of political modernity in the second half of the twentieth century by drawing on the leading neoconservative figures, Norman Podhoretz and Irving Kristol. The first part of this research makes clear the homology between the neoconservative critique of bohemia and excessive capitalism, where both are accused of nihilism as part of the moral abyss of liberal modernity. The second part of this research shows how, through the work of George Gilder, neoconservatives re-imagined a moral economy for capitalism that overcame the apparent nihilism whilst retaining the unrestrained nature of accumulation. Through a celebration of the heroic entrepreneur, neoliberalism’s moral economy is based upon a celebration of risk, an embrace of chance and an overturning of bourgeois morality. Neoliberalism incorporates the bohemian critique of bourgeois capitalism into a critique of the social democratic welfare state which, by prioritising safety over pleasure and excess, is deemed to be both incapable of offering spiritual satisfaction as well as being ill suited to a post-Fordist economy. The flexible nature of bohemia that rebelled against organised strictures of bourgeois morality and Fordist organisation is welcomed by the neoliberal turn. The spiritual satisfaction of life on the edge offered to the neoliberal subject acts as a form seduction and mirrors the creative freedom offered through bohemia. Neoliberalism’s gift, however, comes at a price, the edgy existence is coupled with removal of social safety nets and increasing insecurity and precariatisation.     

There are Some Things I Don’t Want to Know: Leichsenring and Rabung’s Long Road to the 2008 JAMA Report

Psychodynamic practitioners have been slow to evaluate their outcomes empirically and to disseminate these findings publicly. This historic stance is changing, with psychoanalytic leaders now calling for more empirical research and with important, recent contributions. This response lauds the JAMA paper as a developmental achievement among dynamic theorists, and as an example of the kind of interdisciplinary scholarship which is needed. The author offers a critique and raises questions about what constitutes the treatment in these quite disparate treatments, spanning 25 years. It compares their findings to those of a current, clinic-based longitudinal study (N = 1,050), and asks if this latter study’s findings might challenge or at least complicate some of the strong assertions Leichsenring and Rabung make.     

Deparochialising the Canon: The Case of Sociological Theory

Sociological theory is not irrelevant to the South but needs to be deparochialised. The parochiality of sociological theory as it exists today can clearly be seen from the canon. The canon would have us believe that sociological theory was the sole creation of a few white men who lived in the nineteenth century. The absence of non-European thinkers in accounts of the history of sociological theory is particularly glaring in cases where non-Europeans had not only contributed to systematic thinking about the nature of society in the modern period but also influenced the development of sociology in the West. Typically, a history of social thought or a course on social thought and theory would cover theorists such as Montesquieu, Vico, Comte, Spencer, Marx, Weber, Durkheim, Simmel, Toennies, Sombart, Mannheim, Pareto, Sumner, Ward, Small, and others. Generally, both non-Western thinkers as well as women founders are excluded. Although sociology is slow to take a decolonial turn, there are now efforts to critique and rethink the canon. This article is a contribution in the direction of critiquing and expanding the canon to render it less parochial.     

Towards cosmopolitan citizenship? Women’s rights in divided Turkey

Identity politics and citizenship are often envisaged in dichotomous terms, but cosmopolitan theorists believe commitments to ??thin?? universal values can be generated from divergent ??thick?? positions. Yet, they often gloss over the ways in which the nexus of thick and thin is negotiated in practice??a weak link in the cosmopolitan argument. To understand this nexus better, we turn to women??s rights organizations (WROs) in polarized Turkey to show that women affiliated with rival camps (e.g., pro-religious/pro-secular, Turkish/Kurdish, liberal/leftist) can mobilize over issues like empowerment, violence against women, and education. However, thick readings of these issues inflect upon collaboration. This has spurred pro-religious and Kurdish women to develop strategies that flag their specific concerns. As such, mutual recognition along cosmopolitan lines appears possible??and is reinforced through iterative encounters??but is not necessarily negotiated between equally empowered agents and entails complex processes of contestation and concession-making.     

Agroenvironmental conflict and world food system theory: Sugarcane in the Everglades Agricultural Area

This paper presents a critique of the conceptualization of conflict over land-extensive rural production systems as presented by world food systems theorists. Two problems are identified. The first is historical; specifically, that the periodization of food regimes occludes Caribbean development and plantation agriculture, thereby missing the historical development of the social relations of certain commodity sectors. The second is geographical: that agroenvironmental conflict and sustainability are conceptualized either in terms of local/global (Friedmann, 1990, 1991) or in terms of North/South (Goodman and Redclift, 1991). The paper begins with a summary of the relevant arguments of world food theorists and then turns to the historical example of sugar production to examine its role in industrialization. The following section discusses arguments concerning agroenvironmental conflict that have emerged from food system theory, which emphasize contrasting ‘geographical’ components, either local/global or North/South. The limitations of this analysis are discussed with respect to the case of agroenvironmental conflict in Florida. Finally, a case study of the development of the Florida sugarcane industry is presented to illustrate a ‘First World’ environmental conflict over an agroindustrial production complex that cannot be categorized simply as a ‘consumption’ struggle.     

Resisting “Politics as Usual”: Examining the Rise of Anti‐Establishment Politics by Comparing the Narratives of Opportunity Used Within the Single Payer Movement During Two Presidential Eras

The recent rise of “Medicare for All” in American political discourse was many years in the making. Behind this rise is a movement composed of grassroots activists and organizations focused on the goal of establishing a single‐payer health care system in the United States. I examine the ways in which activists used narrative to interpret opportunity within their historically specific environments to work towards this goal. I find that while the Single Payer Movement's narrative practice during the Clinton era was focused on opportunity within the political sphere, the focus in the Obama era shifted to mobilizing the public sphere, or grassroots opportunity. This was related to the critique that the Obama Administration was engaging in “politics as usual”, which was defined as the “enemy” of “real” health care reform. This narratively produced critique is tied to the anti‐establishment turn that factors into the current era of American politics.