埃及与联合国及其安理会的关系

埃及是联合国51个创始成员国之一,自联合国成立之日起,埃及就积极支持联合国的各项工作.虽然联合国在维护埃及和阿拉伯国家利益方面也发挥了一定的积极作用,但总的来说,作用有限.埃及希望联合国及其安理会进行改革,加强其在维护地区和平与安全方面的作用.     

埃及对外政策中的平衡战略

50年代初至70年代末,埃及的对外政策受制于两极格局,其外交活动基本上是以美苏为轴心展开的,穆巴拉克任总统后,对世界格局形成了新的见解,认为世界应该建立在多极力量之上。由此,穆巴拉克总统重新审视了埃及的外交政策,提出了外交平衡战略思想,即以我为主,发展多边关系,推动经济建设。     

埃及外交政策新论

埃及是中东最重要的国家之一，优越的地缘位置使埃及在国际舞台异常活跃。本文分别对纳赛尔、萨达特和穆巴拉克时期埃及的外交政策作一回顾，对埃及外交的目标和主要大国关系进行了梳理，最后分析了制约埃及未来外交发展的三个重要因素。     

埃及与新中国建交始末

新中国重视发展与阿拉伯国家的友好合作关系.埃及爆发"七月革命"后,纳赛尔上台执政.纳赛尔领导的埃及捍卫国家主权,维护民族利益,与西方大国矛盾日益尖锐.1955年召开的万隆会议加深了埃及对新中国的了解,并推动了两国关系的发展.经过多方努力,埃及与新中国终于建立了外交关系.     

埃及与新中国建交始末

新中国重视发展与阿拉伯国家的友好合作关系。埃及爆发“七月革命”后，纳赛尔上台执政。纳赛尔领导的埃及捍卫国家主权，维护民族利益，与西方大国矛盾日益尖锐。1955年召开的万隆会议加深了埃及对新中国的了解，并推动了两国关系的发展。经过多方努力，埃及与新中国终于建立了外交关系。     

中美在中东的共同利益与分歧

美国是当代世界的霸权国家,中国则是世界影响力日益增强的地区性大国。在中东,两国在能源安全、反扩散、反恐和维护地区稳定等方面都存在广泛的共同利益。但是,由于两国在国家实力、国际地位和文化传统等方面的差异,中美在中东地区又存在分歧与矛盾。随着中国国家力量的不断增强,中美两国既有更多的合作机会,又有相互竞争的可能。     

中美在中东的共同利益与分歧

美国是当代世界的霸权国家，中国则是世界影响力日益增强的地区性大国。在中东，两国在能源安全、反扩散、反恐和维护地区稳定等方面都存在广泛的共同利益。但是，由于两国在国家实力、国际地位和文化传统等方面的差异，中美在中东地区又存在分歧与矛盾。随着中国国家力量的不断增强，中美两国既有更多的合作机会，又有相互竞争的可能。     

埃及外交政策新论

埃及是中东最重要的国家之一,优越的地缘位置使埃及在国际舞台异常活跃.本文分别对纳赛尔、萨达特和穆巴拉克时期埃及的外交政策作一回顾,对埃及外交的目标和主要大国关系进行了梳理,最后分析了制约埃及未来外交发展的三个重要因素.     

以色列建国初期的外交转向

在当今国际舞台上,以色列是美国唯一一个在北约之外的盟国,不少学者称美以关系为“特殊的伙伴关系”。实际上美以之间的“特殊的伙伴关系”并不是从一开始就确立的。在建国之初,以色列奉行的是在美苏之间寻求平衡以摆脱阿拉伯国家封锁的外交政策。但是随着国际局势的发展,以色列最终投入了美国为首的西方的怀抱。那么,为什么以色列的外交政策会发生这种转向?为什么以色列的外交倒向了西方阵营而不是社会主义阵营?我们今天重温这段历史,依然不乏积极的历史与现实意义。     

美国在利用反美主义？

我们必须承认反美主义具有内在讽刺性,因为只要严肃地看待美国主义,首先就要接受它无比夸张的理想和特质,这些理想和特质与其他文化和国家截然不同。它既是美国简单有效地用来消除自身社会生活复杂性的魔法棒,又能使对手有效地表达对美国主义的厌恶和敌意,感到道德上的胜利,证明自己文化的正确性;另外,它还可用来引发和组织起不同意见者,也可以使针对霸权行为的抱怨显得更为戏剧化。重要的是,反美主义给美国带来了不可低估的好处,因为一个专注于积聚权利的国家需要威胁和敌人甚于需要它的同盟,如有必要,它甚至可以为自己捏造敌人。     

LGBTQI-identified human rights defenders: courage in the face of adversity at the United Nations

The role of LGBTQI human rights defenders in the international arena at the United Nations (UN) is a particularly risky and insecure one, especially for those who themselves identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual, transgender, two spirit, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI). This article focuses on the anecdotal experiences of LGBTQI-identified human rights defenders and their work at the UN, observed and noted during a research study examining the degree of recognition and legitimacy LGBTQIs have at the UN. Much courage is required on the part of LGBTQI-identified human rights defenders who, while defending others in their communities, themselves face opposition from those within the UN who hold traditional, religious, and culturally based values, as well as a result of state sovereignty and state-sanctioned criminalisation of their gender and sexual diversity.     

An intersectionality-based analysis of high seas policy making stagnation and equity in United Nations negotiations

ABSTRACT

This paper used an intersectionality-based policy analysis to critically dissect systemic power structures within the UN that likely contributed to marine policy making’s stagnation. An empirical analysis of UN organ structure and composition in relation to a state’s gross domestic product found inequities in representation and leadership between large and small economies and elucidated how a state’s economic status influences its ability to participate in international marine policy processes. Without recognition of these power disparities, upcoming negotiations for a new high seas treaty could perpetuate the marginalization of low-income states disproportionately affected by exploitative marine activities’ impacts on human security.     

The Self-determination of Indigenous Peoples and the Limits of United Nations Advocacy in Guerrero,Mexico (1998-2000)

This essay examines the visit to Mexico in February 2000 by Erica-Irene Daes, then chairperson of the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations. I use the occasion of this visit to analyze the relationship between a regional indigenous organization in the state of Guerrero, the Mexican national state, and the United Nations within the larger context of the development of international law. I argue that the persistence today of a centuries-old bias in international law that privileges the "nation-state" and a related individualistic bias in the conception of human rights make UN support for indigenous self-determination highly equivocal. I begin with an examination of the Consejo Guerrerense and how its experience helps to illustrate the issues confronted by the indigenous rights movement in Mexico today. Then I provide background to place this movement and the United Nations in the context of the development of international and human rights law. The discourse of international human rights and the ways in which these rights are defined and advocated by the UN has serious limitations for Indians in Mexico. This is a cautionary tale about the real possibilities for social change in our global world.     

Filmic public relations for a global audience: The United Nations and The Blue Vanguard

The project investigates the use of documentary film as a public relations tool by the United Nations (UN) for worldwide promotion of its first peacekeeping intervention in response to the Suez crisis of 1956. Specifically, it undertakes a historical investigation into the communicative purpose of the 1957 documentary film, The Blue Vanguard, which was made by the UN Department of Public Information (UNDPI). Beyond the interest connected with the intervention in the Suez crisis, the film is significant in the history of the UN’s global public relations since it was one of the first films made for the UN by UK film director, Thorold Dickinson, who arrived as Chief of Film at the UN in October 1956.The author argues that Thorold Dickinson used the documentary to make a radical public information proposition to a global audience on behalf of the United Nations. Specifically, the public relations discourse and cinematicity in The Blue Vanguard reminded a global audience that achieving peace required a new level of cultural tolerance and global co-operation, involving codes of judgement beyond the nationalistically-determined registers of the time.     

Perceptions of geography students in the USA and Egypt on global issues

The study aimed to compare the perceptions of Egyptian and US students on global issues. The authors developed a survey of global issues and administered it to sample of 321 Geography students in the USA and Egypt. The survey tapped five issues: global citizenship, cultural diversity, global conflicts, nuclear arms race, and global warming. The results showed that there were significant differences in Egyptian and US students’ perception of each of the global issues.     

入世后的中埃经贸关系

本文在对埃及市场、中埃经贸关系进行分析与回顾后，认为中国入世后的中埃经贸关系前景广阔，发展潜力巨大，它将在金融领域、旅游合作、服务业合作、直接投资和工程劳务合作等各领域全面展开，贸易量将逐渐扩大。但必须看到，入世后，由于受诸多不定因素的影响与制约，中埃经贸合作也将面对一系列新的挑战，并带来一些负面影响。     

埃及与穆斯林兄弟会

埃及穆斯林兄弟会在其80余年的发展历程中几经沉浮,现已成为当前埃及境内最有影响的政治力量,并将对后穆巴拉克时代埃及的政局走向、社会转型产生巨大影响.对穆斯林兄弟会的研究不能囿于惯性思维而将其视为“激进组织”,应以历史唯物主义的观点和方法,还原其历史真相,特别是要看到该组织在发展过程中曾经有过对自身“激进思想”的修正,从而对它有更加全面、公正的认识.     

Access to education in Africa: responding to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities

Article 24 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities mandates that disabled people should have full rights to education in inclusive settings. However, to ensure that educational polices and settings are designed to meet this criterion seems challenging to African countries that have ratified this Convention. This article arises from the 2nd African Network of Evidence-to-Action on Disability Symposium. This fluid network was established to address the gap between research and practice in the region. The article reports proceedings and the emerging themes from the Education, Training and Work Commission; one of the six commissions of this Symposium, focusing specifically on the education aspect. It also challenges various stakeholders to move from evidence to action to ensure the educational rights of disabled people in inclusive settings.     

古埃及亚历山大博物馆

古埃及亚历山大博物馆是埃及亚历山大市的古典知识中心，始建于公元前280年左右，由托勒密二世菲拉德尔费斯和其父托勒密一世索塔尔修造，由多个学院组成，每个学院有一名首席教士负责，聘任学者的工资初由埃及国王继由罗马皇帝支付。270年，博物馆建筑被毁，然而其教育和研究机构的作用一直持续到4世纪。