卡塔尔的外交政策及其实践

海湾小国卡塔尔近年来采取积极的外交政策,多次斡旋中东地区的危机和冲突,缓和了中东政治矛盾和安全局势,取得了令人瞩目的外交成就。卡塔尔采取积极外交政策的动因包括营造和平稳定的发展环境、保护在冲突发生国的利益和提升软实力。同时,雄厚的经济实力、务实的外交政策和丰富的外交资源等因素是卡塔尔外交成功的主要原因。卡塔尔外交为当今世界小国外交带来了启示,其外交实践丰富了国际关系理论。     

公交需求价格弹性计算和公交政策刍议

经济学上评价公交票价与市民出行之间关系的一个重要指标是市民对公交需求的价格弹性。该文在对上海市政府、公交运营单位和上海市民的调查基础上,比较几种由不同方法计算得出的公交需求价格弹性,并衡量其他因素对于上海市公交需求弹性的影响,藉此对城市公交发展提出建议。     

卡塔尔的外交政策及其实践

海湾小国卡塔尔近年来采取积极的外交政策,多次斡旋中东地区的危机和冲突,缓和了中东政治矛盾和安全局势,取得了令人瞩目的外交成就。卡塔尔采取积极外交政策的动因包括营造和平稳定的发展环境、保护在冲突发生国的利益和提升软实力。同时,雄厚的经济实力、务实的外交政策和丰富的外交资源等因素是卡塔尔外交成功的主要原因。卡塔尔外交为当今世界小国外交带来了启示,其外交实践丰富了国际关系理论。     

Foreign Policy and the Domestic Worker

In 2009, following numerous high profile abuse cases, the Indonesian government placed a moratorium on its citizens taking up employment in Malaysia as domestic workers. From the perspective of feminist International Relations, the emergence of migrant domestic work as a foreign policy concern between these two states is significant – exposing a relationship between foreign policy and the webs of transnationalized social relations of reproduction that underpin the development prospects of middle to low income states. In this article I utilize the example of the Malaysia–Indonesia dispute in order to develop some tentative suggestions concerning the possibility of integrating an analysis of transnational social relations of reproduction into foreign policy analyses. The article initially overviews how the dispute is widely understood in relation to Indonesia's turn to a more democratic foreign policy. The inadequacy of such a reading is explored further. The article suggests that the above-mentioned dispute should rather be understood in relation to the specific configurations of productive–reproductive relations that underpin migratory flows and the role of Indonesia and Malaysia as ‘regulatory’ states involved in the establishment of return-migration systems in which women migrants are viewed as economic commodities and policed via a range of state-sanctioned practices (including commitments to anti-trafficking).     

Public Opinion and Foreign Policy Options in Canada

This article examines the role of public opinion in Canada'sattempt to lessen its dependence on the United States and seekcloser ties with European and Asian countries. Employing nationalsurvey data collected over a three-year period, the authorsargue that widespread public support for new directions in foreignpolicy has not developed in Canada in spite of the climate ofincreasing nationalism and the shift in government policy. Attitudestoward the problem of foreign investment, domestic economicissues, trade agreements, and Canadian participation in internationalpeacekeeping forces are also reported.     

Behaviorism, Functionalism, and Mass Communications Policy

This article compares the functionalist and behaviorist approachesto mass communications research and examines their respectivepolicy-making implications and limitations.     

试析伊拉克战争后伊朗对伊拉克的外交政策

伊拉克战争后,伊朗和伊拉克之间的关系发生了根本性的转变.伊朗战后对伊拉克的政策主要是在适应新环境的基础上,消除和伊拉克的传统敌对关系,协助伊拉克建立国内的秩序与安全,建立和什叶派的密切关系,并维持各种族和宗派在伊拉克权力机构中的力量平衡.同时,伊朗还通过与什叶派的联系积极影响伊拉克的内部事务,阻止美国利用伊拉克作为一种催化剂推动对伊朗政治制度的改变,甚至利用伊拉克来威胁伊朗的国家安全.     

美国中东外交政策与公民宗教

公民宗教不仅长久体现在美国政治话语与叙事中,使国家制度和政策合法化、强化国家团结,而且还出现在美国外交政策话语中。公民宗教影响外交政策的方式是委以政府国际重任,不仅要求其追求本国的繁荣与安全,还要在海外宣扬本国的基本价值观。尽管公民宗教对美国中东外交政策的影响有限,却牵制了外交政策向实用主义和多边主义方向发展。未来美国可否在多边合作基础上建立有效国际制度,在很大程度上将取决于美国领导人能否成功地使公民宗教适应全球政策新挑战,描绘出美国与他国共导而非独导世界的图景。     

埃及过渡政府的外交政策之调整

埃及过渡政府成立以来,已在外交政策方面做出多方面调整:对中东和周边的以色列、伊朗、尼罗河流域国家等,过渡政府的外交政策调整以转向和改变为主,且调整幅度较大;对以美国为首的欧美大国,采取了延续基础上的调整;对包括中国在内的传统友好国家,则继续维持与深化与这些国家的关系.过渡政府对外交政策作出调整的原因主要包括:国内群众的诉求、重塑阿拉伯世界的领导形象以及革命后埃及“本土化”意识的兴起.埃及在外交方面的调整涉及美国、伊朗、以色列、海湾国家、非洲各国等,无疑对地区安全与合作产生了重要影响.     

中国对伊拉克外交中的国家利益取向

在新中国成立早期的中伊关系中,政治意识形态、谋求主权利益在中国对伊政策中成为重要考量;进入20世纪八十年代后,政治、经济等其他利益考量开始出现在中国对伊关系中,这一现象一直持续到美国等外部力量对伊拉克的军事介入。而中国在伊战前后所采取的立场,则充分显现了中国的国家利益取向。     

中国对伊拉克外交中的国家利益取向

在新中国成立早期的中伊关系中,政治意识形态、谋求主权利益在中国对伊政策中成为重要考量;进入20世纪八十年代后,政治、经济等其他利益考量开始出现在中国对伊关系中,这一现象一直持续到美国等外部力量对伊拉克的军事介入。而中国在伊战前后所采取的立场,则充分显现了中国的国家利益取向。     

The Mass Emigration Context of Lithuania: Patterns and Policy Options

Lithuania represents one of the rare cases in which a state with relatively high standards for maintaining population statistics is experiencing mass emigration. In light of the policy initiatives undertaken by the Lithuanian government to address the issue of emigration, this study aims to improve our understanding of how, in this mass emigration context, emigration events are connected to specific socio‐economic characteristics of individuals and variation in local socio‐economic conditions. We analyse census and vital registration data covering the whole working‐age population of Lithuania during the period 2011‐2012. Our findings indicate that when assessing the likelihood of emigration events, individual‐level characteristics such as employment status, educational attainment, and prior migration experience are highly relevant. However, the importance of these characteristics differs by gender. We also detect considerable spatial variation in emigration rates across Lithuanian municipalities. Our outcomes provide new insights for the development of cohesive migration policies in Lithuania.     

Luxembourg's Foreign Policy: Does Small Size Help or Hinder?

As a very small state, Luxembourg would not appear to qualify as an influential foreign policy actor either in Europe or the world. Yet the country's international influence has long belied its reputation as a small state. This article reviews the literature on small-state foreign policy and finds that it offers numerous contradictory conclusions. As a case study it then addresses Luxembourg in the 1990s, with particular attention to two themes: its active participation in the European Union (EU) and its policies directed at maintaining economic prosperity. The paper goes on to explain Luxembourgish foreign policy behaviour through three levels of analysis and assesses to what extent smallness is a benefit or a hindrance to Luxembourg's success in meeting its international goals.     

Overseas Foreign Workers in Israel: Policy Aims and Labor Market Outcomes1

The declared aim of the Israeli government, since 1996, was to reduce radically the presence in Israel of foreign overseas workers within five years. This aim has not been achieved due to a counteracting policy: yielding to strong political pressure, the government introduced regulations that virtually indentured legal overseas foreign workers indefinitely to their employers. This depressed their wages and transformed their employment into a source of easy gains, greatly increasing the demand for them and encouraging legal workers to turn illegal. As a result, their numbers have not declined significantly, even though the Israeli economy has been on a downtrend, most of the time, since 1997.