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1.
死刑复核程序是基于死刑的极端严厉性和无法弥补性的特点而在我国刑事诉讼中设置的一道防错纠错的特别程序,其对于保证死刑案件的办案质量,严格控制死刑适用,保障被告人的生命权利,防止错判、误杀无辜,促进死刑制度向法治、文明、进步、轻缓方向发展意义重大。  相似文献   

2.
边沁是完全从功利论的角度主张彻底废除死刑的,但其理论存在着不足:以"感觉"为基础的功利论极易变种为支持死刑的理论根据,以功利优先于正义为特征的刑罚目的论给惩罚无辜留下空间,在生命观上强调人之生命的工具价值而忽视人之生命的神圣性.功利论应将"人之生命的神圣性"引入其理论,这样就可在抽象的刑罚制度层面将死刑排除掉,最终确保在以分配正义为原则的具体刑罚制度适用中彻底废除死刑.  相似文献   

3.
本文对死缓制度适用过程中存在的几个疑难问题进行了探讨,认为把握死缓的实质条件应全面考虑犯罪的社会危害性和犯罪人的人身危险性;对死缓犯执行死刑的条件应限制为严重的故意犯罪;对于在死缓期间既有故意犯罪又有重大立功表现的犯罪分子,两年期满后减为无期徒刑为宜;在死刑缓期执行期间故意犯罪查证属实的,不必等两年期满即可执行死刑;死缓执行期间发现的漏罪,应依照《刑法》第70条规定,实行数罪并罚。  相似文献   

4.
死刑裁判执行制度的价值是指人们通过自己对死刑裁判制度的效用和意义的认识,按照一定的评价标准和评价体系去追求并希望该制度所应当具有的且能够实现的理想目标。其价值目标有三:一是确保死刑裁判内容的实现;二是切实惩罚和改造罪犯;三是震慑社会和预防犯罪。  相似文献   

5.
经济犯罪刑罚的非监禁化理念及实现途径   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
由经济犯罪的特征、刑罚的改革趋势决定,经济犯罪刑罚实现轻缓化应该以非监禁刑为主,确立经济犯罪非监禁化理念是实现非监禁化的前提.而完善现有的非监禁的刑罚种类、增加适应社会发展的非监禁的刑罚种类则是实现经济犯罪非监禁化的主要途径.  相似文献   

6.
大家庭文摘     
《民族大家庭》2011,(3):28-29
涉众型经济犯罪呈高发态势弱势群体利益频受害影响社会稳定据《法制日报》2011年3月31日报道,"近三年,在我们办理过的经济犯罪案件中,涉众型案件已占到统计总数的令人触目惊  相似文献   

7.
绑架罪法定刑存在起刑点高、绝对死刑过于严厉、罚金刑设置不当等缺陷.在现行立法下,应具体解释减轻构成情节并严格解释加重构成情节.如果要从根本上解决绑架罪法定刑设置不合理的问题,则应通过修改立法来完成,即:降低法定刑起刑点,改为三年有期徒刑;取消绝对死刑,改为相对确定法定刑;放弃无限额罚金刑,采取限额罚金刑.  相似文献   

8.
陈玲 《民族论坛》2009,(7):32-33
当前,我国《刑事诉讼法》已经确立了疑罪从无原则,但其适用尚处于初级阶段。本文就如何认定疑罪、疑罪从无原则在我国刑事诉讼中的适用问题进行了阐述,并分析了疑罪从无原则在具体的司法实践中的运用程度及其发展前景。  相似文献   

9.
伴随着各国探寻监禁刑替代措施的历程,社区服务刑在国外异军突起,并有扩大适用的趋势,它与罚金和缓刑这两种传统的替代措施一道,在减少监禁刑适用方面发挥着异乎寻常的作用.我国目前尚未将社区服务引入刑罚体系中,因此,深入研究国外刑法中的社区服务刑,借鉴其中的合理内核,对进一步健全和完善我国的刑罚制度和罪犯处遇制度无疑是大有裨益的.  相似文献   

10.
物流混序联盟构建   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在对我国物流业现状分析的基础上,根据目前物流的发展趋势,以复杂适用系统理论作指导,尝试构建一种新型的物流组织结构--物流混序联盟,以更好的整合物流资源.并对其组织结构、原则及其特点作了说明.  相似文献   

11.
冉翚 《民族学刊》2017,8(1):60-69,113-116
After entering the 21st century, ter ̄rorist crimes have become more serious. Terrorism has become one of the worst problems of the mod ̄ern world and will continue to be a serious problem in the future. China is also facing the challenge of terrorist crime. Can the present criminal system accomplish the mission of legislative control of these crimes and fulfill the goal of penalising them? It seems that a review and evaluation of the rele ̄vant criminal legislation and policies is necessary.
There are different definitions of terrorist crimes. American scholars Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman gave a review of 109 different definitions that appeared during the period from 1936 to 1983 , and proposed their own opinions in the book Political Terrorism. Chinese scholar Hu Lianhe analyzed 50 definitions that appeared after 1982, and proposed his own idea. On January 1 2016 , the third article of the Zhonghua renmin gongheguo fan kongbu zhuyi fa ( Anti -terrorism Law of the P. R. C) formally defines “terrorism”and “terrorist activities”. Generally speaking, both the academic and legal definitions have gener ̄alized three characteristics of “terrorist crime”from subjective and objective aspects: 1 ) taking social order, public security, personnel and prop ̄erty as the target of the ( terrorist ) behavior; 2 ) hurting the targets described above or threatening the state organs or international organizations by way of violence, destruction or intimidation; 3 ) taking the realization of some certain political or i ̄deological purpose and claims as the ultimate goal of the ( terrorist) behavior.
Concerning the relation between extreme na ̄tionalism and terrorism, the general idea is that“there is no pure form of nationalism; it is always combined with some certain political or social pow ̄er, and characterized with social movement or his ̄torical process”. And seeing from the development course of terrorism,“nationalism is one of the most permanent roots of terrorism”, and is also “one of the most powerful roots of terrorism.”
China has mainly experienced five revisions of its law concerning terrorist crimes: 1 ) revising criminal law in 1997 , and including terrorist or ̄ganizations into the criminal penalty for the first time ; 2 ) legislating about terrorist crimes in the xingfa xiuzhengan san ( Criminal Law Amendment III) in 2001; 3 ) intensifying the applicability of the criminal law to terrorist crimes in the xingfa xi ̄uzhengan ba ( Criminal Law Amendment VIII ) in 2011;4 ) including technical detection measures of crime on terrorist activities in the xingshi susong fa ( Criminal Procedure Law) revised in March 2012, thereby establishing the legal position of this kind of detection measure in criminal procedure; 5 ) substantially adding accusations in the xingfa xi ̄uzhengan jiu ( Criminal Law Amendment IX ) re ̄vised in 2015 , and strongly fighting against the ter ̄rorist crime .
“As one of the social policies, criminal policy is a kind of countermeasure to handle different kinds of crime without delay - this determines that the formulation of criminal policy is bound to social politics and economics in a period of time.”Since the founding of New China, China has made up corresponding criminal policies according to the social needs and criminal status in different eras. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship be ̄tween various ethnic groups, and respect the ethnic culture and customs, a criminal policy called “li ̄angshao yikuan” (“less arrested, less killed, and punished leniently”) had been carried out con ̄cerning the ethnic minority crimes. However, this criminal policy which had played an important role in juridical practice in handling criminal cases of ethnic minorities is unlikely to be a basic criminal policy for the control of extreme nationalist terrorist crimes in the present day. On the new historical stage,“kuanyan xiangji” ( combining punishment with leniency) has become a basic policy for deal ̄ing with criminals in China—this policy is based on the inheritance of the rational connotation of the combination of serious and lenient punishment in the criminal policy, and learning the experience or lessons of “seriously fighting” criminal crimes since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. Doubtlessly, this new criminal policy has a guidance significance in the punishment of all criminal activities, including extreme nationalist terrorist crimes of the present.
A basic evaluation of China’ s criminal legis ̄lation on the punishment of extreme nationalist ter ̄rorist crimes is:1 ) it has developed from non-ex ̄istence to existence; the relevant criminal legisla ̄tion is in accord with the developmental direction of domestic terrorist crimes and the anti-terrorism situation;2 ) it has worked in concert with the anti-terrorism strategy of the UN, and performed a state party’ s duty;3) it has an obvious tendency of “severe penalty ”; 4 ) the revision of criminal law has started to be influenced by the risk concept of criminal law.
In summation, China ’ s criminal legislation and criminal policies have a positive significance in controlling the extreme nationalist terrorism crimes. However, there are still some deficiencies of the strategies of controlling crime. Hence, the following issues should be addressed in the subse ̄quent legislation: 1 ) Before identifying a kind of behavior as a crime, one should judge whether the duty attached to the new accusation is a kind of ex ̄cessive demand on the ordinary people;2 ) The ra ̄tionality of the expected goal of criminal legislation cannot guarantee the rationality of a specific sys ̄tem, therefore, the lawmakers also need to consid ̄er whether the measures for realizing the goal are reasonable. 3) The deserved function of the non-criminal penalty method should be noticed, and it should be developed rationally and harmoniously together with the criminal penalty,thus a solid sys ̄tem which can control extreme nationalist terrorist crime should then be constructed. 4) The guaran ̄tee of human rights also cannot be ignored in the anti-terrorist legislation and criminal policies.  相似文献   

12.
刷单炒信是网络平台交易中司空见惯的违法现象。由于未能厘清其不同样态及法益侵害,理论与实务对刷单炒信的刑法评价仍存在较大争议。普通刷单炒信、组织刷单炒信及提供刷单平台服务是刷单炒信的不同样态呈现,三者在行为结构、社会危害及法益侵害等方面各有不同表现,刑法应当予以区分评价。尽管当前网络平台违法犯罪形势严峻,但普通刷单炒信不具有相当社会危害性,不宜适用刑法规制。相比之下,组织刷单炒信严重违反国家广告经营管理制度,应以虚假广告罪论处。提供刷单平台服务严重违反互联网信息服务经营许可制度,应成立非法经营罪。组织刷单炒信中包含提供刷单平台服务内容的,可按牵连犯从一重处断。  相似文献   

13.
由于受政治传统的影响,我国刑法具有浓厚的压制性文化品格,在刑事立法上主要表现为刑法过于注重对国家利益和社会法益的保护,在一定程度上忽视了对个人法益的保护,在司法实践中主要表现为刑法工具主义。具有浓厚的压制性文化品格的刑法不仅背离了人类群体生活的精神性之需求,阻碍了刑事法治的实现,而且使得刑法出现了"保障空白"。为了消除我国刑法的这种压制性文化品格,为刑事法治的实现扫清障碍,必须塑造我国刑法的引导性文化品格。  相似文献   

14.
我国民族自治地方刑法变通的反思与重构   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
刑法变通实质上是民族自治地方在犯罪与刑罚方面所享有的立法自治权。由于认识的局限及历史的惯性,相关法律的冲突和实际操作的难度,国家制定法预设的刑法变通的空间至今尚未得到有效利用,浪费了极其稀缺的立法资源。基层刑事司法实践中以刑事政策和习惯法为依据所采取的变通做法并不能完全弥补刑法变通缺位的不足。对与刑法变通相关的条款进行重新规范和设计,能够解决现行条款在逻辑上的冲突和实际操作的困难;准确理解和运用刑事政策,释放现有法律的空间,可以在刑法变通缺失的情形下,充分发挥刑法变通应有的机能。  相似文献   

15.
研究少数民族刑事习惯法的三个视角   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
对少数民族刑事习惯法的研究,不应仅限于重拾与简单描述,应着眼于从价值、发展和基本路径等方面的提升.价值表达了少数民族刑事习惯法与国家法在终极目的上的同归及对民众法律信仰的诱致意义;发展则展示了少数民族刑事习惯法未来的理想型预期;路径则进一步揭示了研究少数民族刑事习惯法的基本要求,即超越与实证.这种表述逻辑可能对习惯法研究的理路回归更具有学理意义.  相似文献   

16.
马林英  张洁 《民族学刊》2012,3(3):60-67,103
当今世界,主流社会与边缘社会制度的共存与发展问题已经引起学界广泛关注。凉山彝族本土司法体系完备而灵活,至今依旧有效地发挥着秩序规范运行的功能,其中本土刑法制度尤其如此。当下,在乡村彝人的心目中,本土司法依然具有根深蒂固的存在空间和坚实基础。不少彝族民众对本土司法的熟悉和依赖程度,在某些领域远远大于国家法,国家司法、执法机关在当地的适用和执行一直有限。本文采用田野调查、文献检索、综合分析、比较论证等方法专门针对彝族本土刑法与国家刑法在实体法的条款规定、程序操作、刑罚与赔偿等方面作了深入对比与分析,以期寻求展现当地处理刑事案件的最佳本土模式或有效经验,从而为促进凉山彝区民族法治建设提供切实可行的参考依据。  相似文献   

17.
涉民族因素煽动言论刑法规制边界不清晰的根本原因是自由与安全的冲突。厘清边界的思路是在满足社会治理的急迫需要基础上最大限度保护公民自由。具体路径是以社会治理的急迫需要为方向统领,先通过比例原则的适用进行技术管控,再通过形式要素划定犯罪圈:行为方式必须是思想外化的行为,主观意图必须具备实质恶意,言论内容必须属于不受保护的类型,危害结果必须造成了明显而立即危险或明显而顽固危险,以此达到自由与安全的平衡。  相似文献   

18.
西部开发先立法是法治经济的必然 ,开发先立法是世界经济发展的规律。西部开发立法应遵循法治原则、可持续发展原则、立法权合理配置原则。立法模式应采用基本法与“子法”相结合的方式 ,构建以“西部开发发展法”为基本法 ,以“西部生态环境保护法”、“西部投资法”、“西部人才培养法”、“西部发展援助法”为“子法”的法律体系。  相似文献   

19.
民俗文化的犯罪学功用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
民俗文化在犯罪学中有着重要的功用。民俗文化规范文化行为、模塑文化人格、调节文化生活的功能可以遏制犯罪行为;民俗文化中的语言民俗、社会民俗、心理民俗等可以激活犯罪行为;在犯罪侦查中,利用民俗文化可以揭示涉案人的身份特征、查清涉案人的地域范围、分析涉案人的作案动机、辨析涉案人的反侦查伎俩。在犯罪防控中,应强化民俗文化的非正式社会监督功能、加强文化管理以净化文化氛围、加强民俗文化的应用研究。  相似文献   

20.
The papers in this special issue examine different aspects of the racial disproportionality in the various stages of the criminal justice system. Authors attribute the differences to different socioeconomic factors contributing to involvement in crime, different rates of arrest, more intensive police patrol patterns in minority neighborhoods, labeling as a result of early encounters with police, and inevitably racial discrimination. But that discrimination cannot account for more than a fraction of the disproportionality. Any such discrimination should be purged wherever possible, but major changes in the disproportionality will require larger changes in the general society outside the criminal justice system.  相似文献   

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