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5.
Females with recent participation in public welfare are a disproportionate and growing share of temporary help services firm
employees. Research documenting low earnings, frequent job transitions, and low benefit rates among temporary workers has
raised concerns that welfare recipients taking these jobs might have poorer labor market outcomes than those entering permanent
positions. My findings show that a majority of welfare recipients working in temporary jobs were satisfied with their pay
and working conditions and did not earn much less than those in other jobs. They did report, however, high levels of dissatisfaction
with the lack of employment benefits received, and their annual earnings were still very low, reflecting chronic job instability
that is endemic to the welfare population. 相似文献
8.
Assumptions about welfare dependency and work are examined in a randomized experiment that tested the impact of the 100-hour rule waiver for two-parent welfare families: Aid to Families with Dependent Children-Unemployed (AFDC-U). The 100-hour rule was waived for the experiment group, allowing the primary wage earners in these families to work more than 100 hours a month without losing welfare eligibility. The analysis uses county administrative data, unemployment insurance records, and Medicaid data, and compares regression adjusted least squares means for the control and experiment group. The results from the impact analysis indicate that waiving the 100-hour rule has no effect on primary wage earners' work activity and earnings. The 100-hour rule waiver also has little effect on time on aid and AFDC-U payments, and does not have an effect in reducing marital dissolution. The results cast doubts about the validity of the assumptions underlying some of the recent welfare reform initiatives. 相似文献
9.
This paper notes the contemporary emergence of ‘morality’ in both sociological argument and political rhetoric, and analyses its significance in relation to ongoing UK welfare reforms. It revisits the idea of ‘moral economy’ and identifies two strands in its contemporary application; that all economies depend on an internal moral schema, and that some external moral evaluation is desirable. UK welfare reform is analysed as an example of the former, with reference to three distinct orientations advanced in the work of Freeden ( 1996 ), Laclau ( 2014 ), and Lockwood ( 1996 ). In this light, the paper then considers challenges to the reform agenda, drawn from third sector and other public sources. It outlines the forms of argument present in these challenges, based respectively on rationality, legality, and morality, which together provide a basis for evaluation of the welfare reforms and for an alternative ‘moral economy’. 相似文献
11.
Welfare reform has swept across the nation. However, before Washington was able to develop a unified front, the state of Michigan was well on the way to reforming its own welfare system. As one of the forerunners in the welfare reform movement, Michigan is clearly a state worth watching. The author highlights major welfare reform efforts in Michigan throughout the 1990s and examines these efforts in light of concerns raised by child welfare advocates across the nation 相似文献
13.
Suggestions for improvements to this research by Sherrill Friedman, Paula Brush and Subhash Sonnad are gratefully acknowledged. With the advent of welfare reform, recipients of Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) are now required to enter the workforce. This workforce entry brings the need for child care. Two problems concerning child care emerge: poor women participating in the workforce at entry level jobs often require child care during hours when care is not readily available (Miranne & Young, 1998); and welfare reform s work requirement will necessitate a predicted ten percent increase in child care services (Maynard, 1989), while only a four percent increase in funding for child care is being mandated by the federal government (Blank, 1997). This essay explores welfare reform and its effect on child care availability by demonstrating its impact at a local level. 相似文献
14.
Since the late 1970s, changes in family income in the United States have varied by income category. While the average income of families with children in the top 20% of the income distribution has grown, the average income of families with children in the bottom 20% has declined. Factors contributing to the growing income gap include disparities in wages paid to low-income workers relative to high-income workers, an increase in female-headed single parent families, and a decrease in the value of the minimum wage. Welfare reform will likely only exacerbate this situation. This study synthesizes existing research as well as data from an Ohio county to demonstrate that the minimum wage incomes available to poor families are not sufficient for even basic necessities. In order for former AFDC recipients to become economically independent, government policies must be enacted to increase wages and/or provide income assistance for poor families. 相似文献
15.
During the late twentieth century, the US social safety net was transformed to incentivize work by providing generous wage subsidies for low-income workers and reducing federal assistance to able-bodied unemployed adults. Following the transformation and during the economic boom of the 1990s, welfare rolls and annual poverty rates plummeted, especially for children. Despite the economic boom, there were still many persistently poor children living with parents who did not work, and little is known about how the reforms impacted these children's finances. In this paper we compare rates of persistent child poverty before and after the welfare reforms and examine how federal assistance received by persistently poor children changed as a result of the reforms. We find that federal assistance to persistently poor children declined following the reforms, but with divergent results depending on parental employment. While persistently poor children with employed parents benefited from increased income via the Earned Income Tax Credit, those with chronically unemployed parents did not and also experienced substantial reductions in cash welfare and food stamps. These findings demonstrate how persistently poor children fared financially in the years following the reforms and suggest possible implications for the current period of high unemployment. 相似文献
16.
Prior to the creation of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, federal legislation primarily positioned mothers in the private sphere of parenting and men in the public sphere of work. Welfare reform changed this citizenship construction dramatically, requiring mothers to work but failing to acknowledge their caretaking responsibilities. This article presents a discourse and content analysis of the welfare reform debate that directly referenced citizenship. Findings suggest that legislators emphasized paid work as a citizenship activity while rarely portraying parenting as such. Furthermore, legislators' endorsement of paid work as a duty of citizenship, and the manner in which they paired this endorsement with the minimizing of parenting as such a duty, may have further diminished the perception of parenting as a valuable citizenship activity. Welfare reform may have been possible because the heretofore recognized citizenship work of mothering was largely ignored in the congressional debate. 相似文献
17.
The foster care population is increasingly one of minority children and youths, the product largely of the worsening well-being of our nation's minority families. The obstacles child welfare agencies face in developing a continuum of quality services thus are obstacles to appropriate care for minority children. The author sets forth and defines the problems, and proposes the actions that each requires. 相似文献
18.
Despite recent economic gains for women, a substantial gender gap in financial security during old age remains, making women more dependent than men upon Social Security. Social Security plays an important role in providing for women's economic security. The implications for women of several proposed changes in Social Security policy, including the call for the partial privatization of Social Security via the introduction of individual accounts, are analyzed. Many of the proposals would have the effect of asking women, particularly low-income women, to shoulder a disproportionate share of the risks and burdens associated with the changes. 相似文献
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