The demand for social interaction

In this paper social interaction is modeled as a consumer good. A model of household production is employed to derive the demand for social interaction. The model shows that the demand for social interaction is a function of its price, the price of other goods and income. The theory is tested with data from the General Social Survey and the results show that social interaction can be explained as the consequence of utility maximizing behavior by individuals. These results are in contrast to social capital theorists who have attributed these changes to factors such as increased community heterogeneity.     

Partner effects in social interaction

A person's behavior during social interaction is due not only to the person's dispositional characteristics but is also determined by his or her social partner. If a person consistently elicits the same behavior from others, the person has apartner effect. Partner effects in affect, cognition, and behavior are examined. Partner effects in behavior are presumed to be caused by partner effects in affect and cognition. A social relations analysis of data from six studies which meet rather strict methodological criteria suggests that partner effects are present in affect and cognition but are fairly weak. Further, partner effects are hardly evident at all on behavioral observations of friendliness and dominance, but are more evident in nonverbal behavior, especially gaze. The low level of partner effects is hypothesized to be due to the context in which the research was done, the degree of acquaintance between interaction partners, and the moderating effect of individual differences.This research was supported in part by a grant to the first author from the National Institute of Mental Health, MH 40295-01. We would like to thank Nancy Bernstein who assisted the first author in the collection of data. Also we thank Donald Fiske and Starkey Duncan, Debbie Moskowitz, Joseph Burleson, and Vickie McGillan who very generously provided us with their data. We also wish to thank Ross Buck, Donald Fiske, Judith Hall, William Ickes, Debby Kashy, Lawrence La Voie, and Debbie Moskowitz, who provided us with comments on an earlier version of this article.     

Relationality and social interaction1

This paper explores Bourdieu's account of a relational social space, and his relative neglect of social interaction within this framework. Bourdieu includes social capital as one of the key relational elements of his social space, but says much less about it than economic or cultural capital, and levels of social capital are rarely measured in his work. Bourdieu is reluctant to focus on the content of social networks as part of his rejection of substantialist thinking. The neglect of substantive networks creates problems for Bourdieu's framework, because many of Bourdieu's core concepts rest upon assumptions about their interactional properties (in particular, the prevalence of homophilous differential association) which are left unexamined. It is argued here that Bourdieu's neglect of the substance of social networks is related to the criticisms that Bourdieu's framework often encounters, and that this neglect bears re‐examination, since it is helpful to think of the ways in which differentiated social networks contribute to the development of habitus, help form fields, and so constitute the intersubjective social relations within which sociality, and practice more generally, occur.     

Interviewing Changes Attitudes--Sometimes

To examine the effects of interviewing respondents were questionedabout either cancer or burglary prevention in an interview,and later they received either relevant information or no information.Changes in attitudes were measured in a second interview, andthe results showed that asking questions about cancer changedrespondents' attitudes toward cancer, but interviewing aboutburglary prevention did not change attitudes toward crime. Theevidence suggests that interview effects will occur when therespondent's attitudes and information are unfocused or ambiguousand the topic is important. Theoretically, this can be attributedto competence motivation and a postulated desire to maintainself-esteem in the interview situation     

Interviewing Herbert Blumer

In March of 1982, I interviewed Blumer about doing field research with Symbolic Interactionist ideas. I was teaching a course on that topic at UC Santa Cruz. After Herb discussed the field work issues, he turned to his biography and early life.     

Hilary Arksey und Peter Knight: Interviewing for social scientists. An introductory resource with examples

Ohne Zusammenfassung

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Hilary Arksey und Peter Knight: Interviewing for social scientists. An introductory resource with examples London: Sage 1999. ISBN 0-7619-5870-3. Preis: ￡ 15,99

     

The effect of nonverbal sensitivity on social interaction

This study examined the relation between decoding ability and quality of dyadic interaction of college roommate pairs. It was found that pairs with members who were both high in decoding (HH pairs) rated their interactions somewhat more positively than pairs in which one or both roommates were low (HL and LL pairs). This effect was more pronounced for ratings reflecting emotional sharing (e.g., gave and received support) than for ratings reflecting influence (e.g., initiated the interaction). For emotional sharing only, the difference between the HH pairs and the HL plus LL pairs was significant. The relative advantage of the HH pairs in emotional sharing and relative disadvantage in influence was more pronounced for males and less for females, suggesting a reversal of traditional sex-role behavior. When differences in decoding ability within roommate pairs were considered, the results showed that, in dyads with at least one good decoder (HH and HL pairs), the interaction was rated more positively by the roommate who was lower in decoding ability. The concept and measure of decoding ability and their implications for interaction and sex-role behavior were discussed.This research was supported in part by NIMH Grant # R01 MH 40498 to Miron Zuckerman.     

The effect of hours of work on social interaction

Increases in hours of work per capita over past 30?years have created an intuitively plausible notion that there now is less time for social interaction. The purpose of this paper is to empirically investigate the effect of hours of work on social interaction. The empirical work is complicated by the argument that unobserved factors could increase both hours of work and social interaction. The empirical work in this paper employs an exogenous decline in hours of work in France due to a new employment law to bypass this endogeneity problem. The data employed are derived from the 1999?C2003 Continuous Survey of Household Living Conditions which is a random sample of French households. Gender specific results from a difference-in-difference model show that the employment laws reduced hours of work but there is no evidence that the extra hours went to increased social interactions. Contrary to the intuitive argument, the paper concludes that in the range of approximately 94 extra hours of leisure per year, hours of work have no effect on social interaction.     

Effects of nonverbal-oriented social awareness training program on social interaction ability of learning disabled children

Educator-researchers have proposed that the learning disabled child's lower peer sociometric ratings could be influenced by the learning disabled child's reduced sensitivity to the nonverbal components of communication. The present study used a posttest-only control group design to test the relationship between a nonverbal-oriented social acceptance training method and social ratings. Thirty-three elementary learning disabled children were randomly assigned to experimental or control groups. Before the treatment began, all subjects were tested on their nonverbal decoding ability. Results indicated that the subjects receiving the nonverbal-oriented social affect training were rated significantly higher on both the peer acceptance scale and the social interaction rating scale. There was no significance interaction between treatment condition and pre-experimental nonverbal sensitivity aptitude.     

Tranquillisers as social control?*

In this paper we use findings from an empirical study of the meaning of tranquilliser prescribing and use to examine the contention that these drugs are a means of social control, and to assess the explanatory value of the concept of social control when applied to the doctor-patient relationship. We first outline the historical application of the concept to the health field, specify the cultural mechanisms by which social control is said to be achieved and look at the ways in which the mechanisms are thought to operate through the prescribing of the most widely used kind of tranquilliser/hypnotic-benzodiazepines (e.g. Valium, Mogadon). We then draw on our data to see how far they substantiate the arguments which have been developed. In the final section of the paper we suggest some alternative explanations regarding the nature of doctors' power and of patient dependence. We also discuss problems involved in conceptualizing gender and class ideologies, note an inherent tendency towards an over-socialized view of the person and assess the usefulness of functionalist explanations stemming from the application of the social control concept to the doctor-patient relationship.     

Education as a social agreement

This article shows that the main hypotheses used in the economic literature to explain the existence of low-skill traps are not necessary. In particular, if we relax two strong assumptions, those of perfect information in the labor market and individual homogeneity, less-developed countries may remain caught in a poverty trap even when there are not intergenerational or intertemporal spillovers, intersectoral complementarities, increasing returns to scale or credit market imperfections. Due to the lack of coordination among workers, the role played by some institutions such as universities or unions in escaping the trap becomes crucial. A numerical calibration of the model supports our conclusions.     

The social worker as psychoanalyst

This paper examines the development of social workers as psychoanalysts to determine whether psychoanalysis is a legitimate function of social work. Historically, social work has found psychoanalytic theory helpful. However, it is generally understood that for the caseworker to competently practice psychoanalytic psychotherapy, advanced training is necessary. Although many social workers have availed themselves of this opportunity, the profession continues to believe that the practice of psychoanalysis is incompatible with social work. This is based upon an inaccurate conception of psychoanalysis. Since the social work psychoanalyst is concerned with the client's adaptation to the environment, his or her practice can easily be defined as clinical social work.     

Tranquillisers as a social problem

This paper attempts to highlight the value of the ‘social problem’ perspective for the sociology of health and illness by applying it to the issue of tranquilliser use and dependence. The approach involves focusing on the emergence of benzodiazepine tranquilliser dependence as a social problem and the extent to which it has been legitimated by the media and by the state. In the conclusion we draw out the implications of our case study for the development of a ‘natural history’ of social problems.     

Collective violence as social control

Collective violence is often social control: self-help by a group. It typically defines and responds to conduct as deviant. When unilateral and nongovernmental, it appears in four major forms—lynching, rioting, vigilantism, and terrorism—each distinguished by its system of liability (individual or collective) and degree of organization (higher or lower). Following Donald Black's paradigm of pure sociology, the central assumption is that collective violence varies with its location and direction in social space—the conflict structure. I offer ten propositions that predict and explain the likelihood and severity of collective violence in general and the four forms of collective violence in particular. Conflict structures with a high degree of relational distance, cultural distance, functional independence, and inequality between the adversaries are associated with collective violence in general. Each of the four forms depends on the degree of social polarization between the parties as well as the continuity of the deviant behavior to which the violence responds. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, August 1992, and the Centennial Congress of the International Institute of Sociology, University of Paris (Sorbonne), Paris, June 1993.