Imagining class: A study into material social class position,subjective identification,and voting behavior across Europe

The traditional approach to class voting has largely ignored the question whether material class positions coincide with subjective class identification. Following Sosnaud et al. (2013), this study evaluates party preferences when Europeans’ material and subjective social class do not coincide. Seminal studies on voting behavior have suggested that members of lower classes are more likely to vote for the economic left and cultural right and that higher classes demonstrate the opposite pattern. Yet, these studies have on the one hand overlooked the possibility that there is a mismatch between the material class people can be classified in and the class they think they are part of, and on the other hand the consequences of this discordant class identification on voting behavior. Analyzing the 2009 wave of the European Elections Study, we find that the majority of the Europeans discordantly identify with the middle class, whereas only a minority of the lower and higher classes concordantly identify with their material social class. Further, material class only seems to predict economic voting behavior when it coincides with subjective class; for instance, individuals who have an inflated class identification are more likely to vote for the economic left, even when they materially can be classified as middle or high class. We conclude this paper with a discussion on scholarly debates concerning class and politics.     

Explaining voting in the UK's 2016 EU referendum: Values,attitudes to immigration,European identity and political trust

We consider the role of values as determinants of voting in the UK's 2016 EU referendum. First, we consider and clarify ‘values’ conceptually, before proceeding to utilise Schwartz's basic human values as the most appropriate. Second, we theorise how these basic human values determine both voting in the referendum as well as three of the most consistently demonstrated determinants of voting in that referendum: attitudes to immigration, identifying as European and trust in politicians. Finally, we demonstrate that this psychological theoretical framework effectively predicts voting behaviour in the referendum using multigroup structural equation modelling. Overall, we show that voting dynamics in the referendum are likely to reflect deeper, more personal psychological predispositions than those captured by existing explanations. In doing so, we make an original contribution to the literature on political psychology related to Brexit, Euroscepticism, political attitudes and electoral behaviour.     

Bribery or just desserts? Evidence on the influence of Congressional reproductive policy voting patterns on PAC contributions from exogenous variation in the sex mix of legislator offspring

Evidence on the relationship between political contributions and legislators’ voting behavior is marred by concerns about endogeneity in the estimation process. Using a legislator’s offspring sex mix as a truly exogenous variable, we employ an instrumental variable estimation procedure to predict the effect of voting behavior on political contributions. Following previous research, we find that a legislator’s proportion daughters has a significant effect on voting behavior for women’s issues, as measured by score in the “Congressional Record on Choice” issued by NARAL Pro-Choice America. In the second stage, we make a unique contribution by demonstrating a significant impact of exogenous voting behavior on PAC contributions, lending further credibility to the hypothesis that Political Action Committees respond to legislators’ voting patterns by “rewarding” political candidates that vote in line with the positions of the PAC, rather than affecting those same votes - at least in this high-profile policy domain.     

论我国累积投票制的立法模式选择

在现代公司法中,累积投票制逐渐从强制性规则向任意性规则演变。我国公司法将累积投票制设为任意性规则顺应了这一立法趋势。但是,将累积投票制设为赋权性规则是不妥当的,累积投票制应为缺省性规则。     

是尴尬的合作者，还是娴熟的行动者——浅析欧盟理事会决议规则进化中英国的应对策略

英国往往被称为是欧盟中“尴尬的伙伴”,而在欧盟一体化进程中表现消极。英国主要的担忧是过多地参与欧盟一体化会损害其主权。欧盟理事会决议规则进化过程充分显示了成员国向超国家的欧盟机构让渡主权。纵观英国在这一过程中的表现,可以看出其早已意识到了主权削弱的必然趋势,并且在为谋取欧盟进一步深化中更有利位置的实践中显示了自己娴熟的外交斡旋技巧。     

股东的股东会决议撤销之诉提诉主体资格研究

股东会决议撤销权属单独股东权，凡股东皆为撤销权主体。即股东会决议作出后取得股东资格的股东、未出席股东会的股东、无表决权股东、赞成股东会决议的股东亦享有撤销权，只不过基于诚实信用的法理，其权利行使可能受到狠制，而不能成为适格的提诉主体。     

Deducing simple majorities from approval voting ballot data

An approval voting election allows each voter to vote for as many candidates as he wishes. The winner of such an election is the candidate with the most approval votes. Ballot data aggregated for individual voters tell how many voters voted for each subset of candidates. Given reasonable assumptions about what voters' ballots reveal about their preferences, this report shows what must be true of the ballot data in order to conclude that the electorate has a majority preference for one candidate over another. A simple corollary tells what must be true of the ballot data to conclude that the winner is preferred by a majority of voters to every other candidate. Both hypothetical and reconstructed ballot data from a mayoral election in Boston are used to illustrate the results. It is also shown that the likelihood of being able to draw conclusions about majority candidates tends to increase as voters tend to vote for fewer candidates.     

Deception in simple voting games

The calculations of sophisticated voters who successively eliminate undesirable strategies are analyzed in three-person voting games in which one voter with complete information can, as a deceiver, induce the other two voters with incomplete information to vote in such a way as to ensure a better outcome than the deceiver could ensure in a game of complete information. Deception which is “tacit,” wherein a deceiver votes consistently with his announced preference scale, is distinguished from deception which is “revealed,” wherein a deceiver's action deviates from his announced preference scale. Among the conclusions drawn from the study is that revealed deception is generally a more potent tool than tacit deception in securing a more-preferred outcome, and deception opportunities are greater the more disagreement there is among the nondeceivers.     

中国农村基层民主选举中经济投票行为研究

"经济投票"理论为分析公民投票行为内在机理提供有效的观测窗口。伴随我国农村基层群众自治组织民主选举的蓬勃开展,针对投票人投票参与和投票选择等行为研究的重要性日益凸显。已有研究中由于存在样本选择、资料来源、研究方法取向等问题,无法从严谨的学术视角提供经济投票理论对中国农村基层民主选举行为的影响的实证分析。对经济投票理论展开全景性回顾和归纳性评述,基于全国性调查数据来实证分析农村基层选举中经济投票理论的现实影响,可以发现,年龄与投票行为之间存在倒U形关系,社会经济地位对投票行为的影响主要通过经济状况和主观社会地位来施加,政治涉入程度越深的村民更倾向于积极参与,认为"经济发展比民主重要"的人群更愿意投票,"经济评价"对投票行为只发挥了很有限的影响。所谓"经济投票"理论对中国农村基层投票行为的解释力有限,可能受理论局限性、经济投票测量问题、中国当前重经济发展的宏观环境以及村庄的异质性的影响。     

Components of change in the number of female family heads ages 15 to 44, an update and reanalysis: United States, 1940 to 1983

We review the literature dealing with the various components of change in the number of female family heads and conclude that P. Cutright's (1974, Journal of Marriage and the Family 36, 714–721) four components of change in the number of ever-married female family heads can be usefully applied to a reanalysis of decade-by-decade changes in this quantity among white and nonwhite women ages 15–44, from 1940 through 1980. However, we substantially revise and update Cutright's (1974) original data. Our findings include the fact that while the relative importance of the various components of increases in ever-married female family headship vary from decade to decade, overall trends are fairly similar for white and nonwhite women. Moreover, the rapid rise between 1970 and 1980 in the number of white and nonwhite female family heads among the never-married (single) continued through the 1980 to 1983 period. A decade ago, Cutright (1974) predicted that a change in the number of female family heads from 1970 on would reflect little more than changes in the numbers of ever- and never-married women ages 15–44. We discuss this inaccurate prediction and conclude that wishful thinking is a poor guide in forecasting the future.     

A multivariate analysis of response structure: Race attitudes, 1972–1977

A particular kind of latent class model is used to characterize the unobservable variable measured by six discrete indicators of racial stance in 1972 and 1977. Methods recently introduced by Clogg and Goodman, 1982, Clogg and Goodman, 1983) for the simultaneous latent structure analysis of two multidimensional contingency tables are employed in across-year homogeneity tests on the latent class proportions. Trends in multivariate response patterns over the 5-year interval are then examined by cross-classifying the predicted latent variable with selected demographic characteristics of respondents in each year. The results indicate that (1) no significant changes in the distribution of the latent variable occurred over the 5-year time period, and (2) the status of certain demographic variables as predictors of racial stance fluctuated between the two survey years.     

Patience moderates the class cleavage in demand for redistribution

Previous studies on class voting have yielded mixed results linking income and demand for redistribution. Why do some poor people oppose redistribution, while some rich people support it? This article argues that an individual's level of patience, an important personal characteristic that influences how people calculate immediate and distinct outcomes, may moderate the effect of class on redistributive preference. In a one-shot game, redistribution between the rich and the poor is zero sum. When people extend their time horizons, however, the poor see the possibility of upward mobility, while the rich emphasize future losses, such as unemployment and economic instability. Consistent with the hypotheses, analyses of the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and a representative Taiwanese dataset from 2016 reveal a clear class cleavage in demand for redistribution among impatient poor and rich respondents, but the cleavage between their patient counterparts diminished. This pattern of convergence extends previous studies on upward mobility and risk perception theory.     

从"性别差距"看美国女性在选举中的地位

随着女性参政意识的增强,美国女性逐渐在选民中占居多数,大选中的"性别差距"引起了人们的注意。自1980年以来,"性别差距"在美国历次大选中表现明显,其存在的根本原因在于男女在政治、经济和社会地位等方面的不平等,致使女性对一些问题的看法与男性有所差异,因此在大选中也显示出了差距。对"性别差距"的研究从各个侧面揭示了女性选举的特点及其选票的分布情况,对美国总统候选人的竞选活动或执政者的策略制定都有很高的参考价值。     

地方人大“票决部门预算”与治理现代化

表决是人大行使国家权力的一个重要法律程序,表决方式直接关系到人大权力和人民民主权利的实现。温岭市的"票决部门预算"以民主恳谈为载体,通过协商民主和代议制民主相结合将预算权的价值问题转换成程序问题。从程序上看,其经历了"征询预算—审议预算—修编预算—票决预算"这一系列的过程与步骤。在"治理现代化"的时代背景下,"票决部门预算"见证了表决方式的多样化发展。这对人大监督乃至人大制度建设无疑都具有实质性意义。     

Race differences in middle class lifestyle: The role of home ownership

This paper examines race differences in two aspects of “middle class” lifestyle: home ownership and net worth. Home ownership indicates stability; and for older persons net worth is an important part of economic status. Data from the NLS studies of older men are analyzed. The major findings are: (1) while whites at any earnings level are very likely to own homes by ages 50–64, only at relatively high earning levels do blacks begin to approach the home ownership rates of whites; (b) the net worth of blacks is substantially lower than that of whites after adjusting for variables in a standard status attainment model; and (c) however, among home owners the race difference as well as effects of other variables are much smaller than for renters. This is attributed to forced saving through home ownership. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible sources of low home ownership rates and low net worth of blacks and the implication of these findings for the study of middle class status.     

Educational trajectories and inequalities of political engagement among adolescents in England

Through analysing longitudinal data this article explores the effect of education trajectories between the ages 14–19 on voting and protesting at age 20 taking into account both type of education (vocational/academic) and level of qualifications (Levels 1–3). We find that these trajectories exert an independent effect on both outcomes. Gaining low level qualifications (up to Level 2) and in particular low level vocational qualifications diminishes the chances of political participation relative to Level 3 and academic qualifications. Whilst a wider range of qualifications are conducive to voting, only Level 3 academic qualifications support protesting relative to other qualifications. Post-14 education thus seems to make protesting more of an elite affair. Considering that the vast majority of students in the vocational and lower-level pathways come from low SES families, the undermining influence of these pathways on political participation will be felt disproportionally among the group of socially disadvantaged students.     

法律行为框架中的股东表决权制度探析

表决权在资本多数决的股东大会决议机制下分化为意思表达权和形成权两种性质各异的权利,其原因在于股东大会决议行为的特殊法律行为属性和特殊法律效力,在于股东表决的不同性质——意思通知和单方法律行为,并由此导致对一系列关乎股东表决权的制度的重新评价和审视,如表决权排除、类别股东表决、异议股东股份购买请求权以及资本多数决的决议机制等。     

“投票悖论”的分析及其矫正——理性选择理论的“投票现象”应用批判

投票机制是民主政治的制度性保障,但它却存在着一个悖论。这一悖论可被简单地表述为：在投票参与者意识到自己的选票对结果的影响是微不足道的时候,他们往往不会牺牲闲暇以及交通成本等方面的付出到投票站投出手中的选票。美国大选仅仅具有半数左右的参与率似乎也在事实上为以上＂洞见＂提供了心理学依据和社会学依据。在试图解决投票悖论这一问题的过程中,具体分析理性选择理论是如何从一个过分武断化了的前提出发,而走向一条循环论证的死胡同的;进而希望通过为投票动机添加新的变量的方式来缓解理性选择理论的这种弊病。     

国外现代全民公决的类型研究

全民公决是指在某个国家或地区内,享有投票权的全体公民对本国或本地区具有重大影响的问题,以投男《的方式进行表决,在现代政治生活中占有重要地位。基于全民公决的对象、主体范围、必需与否、投票结果、法律依据等的不同,可以对全民公决现象做一简单明晰的归类,由此可分辨出不同的全民公决类型的成因、作用及对现代政治生活的价值。