新时代民族地区社会治理的国家安全意涵及其重点推进

自党的十八大以来,党中央不断丰富社会治理的内涵,提升社会治理的功能定位。社会治理从促进和谐社会建设的基础定位,演变为促进社会和谐与活力激发的重要机制,在党的二十大报告中又提升为国家安全的基层基础。而民族地区自然、社会与文化方面的独特性则凸显了民族地区社会治理对国家安全的重要意义。为追求人全面而自由的发展、回应社会发展内在张力构建新时代社会团结机制,民族地区社会治理与国家安全实现紧密契合、相互融通。国家安全视域下民族地区社会治理的推进,要重视发扬富有民族特色的新时代“枫桥经验”,提升基层治理效能;推进民族地区市域社会治理现代化,构建立体高效的社会治理体系;促进各民族相互交流与嵌入,铸牢中华民族共同体意识。     

自治、法治、德治在乡村治理中的地位探讨

确立自治、法治与德治在乡村治理中的地位,对于“三治结合”的构建具有重大意义。自治、法治与德治并非同一层面的治理方式,自治具有独立性,是高位阶的治理方式,居于核心地位,这一核心地位的确立源自新时代“以人民为中心”思想的确立,法律法规与中央文件的明文规定,以及乡村治理实践的偏移。法治与德治不具有独立性,居于次优的平等地位,前者是乡村治理体系构建的保障,它要求乡村自治不得逾越法律边界,法治政府的成立需去行政化,而重点在于约束村委会的行为;后者是乡村治理体系构建的辅助,它一方面可以弥补法治的缺失,另一方面又可以修正法治的不足。     

边疆民族地区铸牢中华民族共同体意识影响因素及应对之策——基于安全的视角

边疆民族地区安全是国家安全的重要组成部分和国家治理的重要议题,也是影响铸牢中华民族共同体意识的因素之一。综合分析国际干扰和地缘政治的外因搅动、半径发展制约下的内边失衡、远离国家的边地实在社会、非传统安全因素的滋长、极端思想与宗教渗透造成的认知迷离等要素,有助于认知和把握边疆民族地区安全议题。而治理跟进则要基于"外部冲击""发展差异""治理能力""社会风险""国家认同"五个维度,边疆民族地区铸牢中华民族共同体意识,需要缓和外部冲击、缩小发展差异、提升治理能力、有效防控风险、强化国家认同。     

牧民专业合作社嵌入边境牧区治理的基础要素与逻辑链路

经济属性和社会属性并蓄的牧民专业合作社是边境牧区治理的重要嵌入主体之一。边境牧区场域内存在着本土经济精英创设型、本土政治精英领衔型和非本土社会力量引入型三类组织建构模式,代表着牧民专业合作社的不同实践形态。边境牧区的制度规范、历史文化、生态环境等基础要素对牧民专业合作社的塑造是内在而深刻的,这赋予合作社嵌入边境牧区治理以合法性资源,并有助于滋养治理思维、优化治理效度。就嵌入的逻辑链路而言,牧民专业合作社通过增进共同富裕和民主参与意识而嵌入边境牧区治理理念,通过推动多元治理主体协同而嵌入边境牧区治理结构,通过巩固牧区发展、安全与稳定而嵌入边境牧区治理过程。要进一步引导牧民专业合作社建设,在真正发挥其嵌入作用中助力边境牧区治理体系和治理能力走向现代化。     

洁净与社会边界

洁净和污秽是一种分类体系和原则,它在宗教、身份认同等方面对不同的人群进行区隔,构建社会边界,将"我"与"他","好"与"坏"、"有序"与"混乱"等区分开来。不符合或者违背了某一文化的行为经常被视为"污秽"和"不洁"。所以,洁净观念可以被视为区分不同社会人群的边界符号。     

结构、社会效应与符号隐喻: 基于西双版纳曼那寨禁忌的田野考察

禁忌现象普遍存在于不同时代、不同社会类型中,其否定性指向一方面可维护社群秩序、确立社群边界,另一方面也可能会打破日常生活的一致性和连贯性,作为社会生活的一个重要组成部分有着现实意义。在傣泐社会,禁忌既可以指代被避讳的人或事,也可以指代这种避讳行为本身,被禁忌的对象往往代表着一种反社会、无序、力量与危险,通过人们的正面或负面的仪式实践而被赋予仪式价值。本论文立足于西双版纳曼那寨禁忌现象的田野调查,对禁忌的形式、结构、社会效应及符号隐喻进行分析,理解当地禁忌的实践过程和社会体系间的关系,阐释生发于社会习俗中的禁忌在傣泐社会中如何实现“功能和谐”、发挥社会效应。     

教育分层现象的民族心理学考察

作为一种重要的社会资源,教育通过其在社会中的不平等分布,影响个体社会流动,决定着群体在社会分层结构中的地位变化。在中国现代社会转型过程中,教育不公平所引发的教育分层现象在民族地区更加凸显。作为引发民族心理嬗变的诱因,教育分层是民族关系发展的危险信号,必须深刻认识和及时有效解决。引导少数民族提高现代教育认同感,加强政府职责,通过制度安排与政策调整以增进教育公平,是民族地区持续发展与民族关系和谐稳定的有效途径。     

构建结构优化和社会公平的现代税收制度

实现国家治理体系和治理能力现代化需要建立现代税收制度。中国现代税收制度建设必须根据中共十八大、十八届三中全会提出的税制改革要求,通过采取"调结构"和"促公平"的税制改革对策,最终实现结构优化和社会公平的现代税收制度。     

着力办好民生实事 倾力打造宜居新村——记湖北省沙洋县沙洋镇三峡土家族村村民委员会

习近平总书记指出:“基层是一切工作的落脚点,社会治理的重心必须落实到城乡、社区。”第十九届四中全会提出,坚持和完善共建共治共享的社会治理制度,保持社会稳定、维护国家安全。建设人人有责、人人尽责、人人享有的社会治理共同体基层是社会治理创新最活跃的地带,也是社会矛盾的前线。基层治理务必要练就“绣花功夫”,花心思、下苦工,成于细、贵在精,知民情、解民忧、暖民心,将心比心、以心换心,铸牢中华民族共同体意识。     

从“碎片化”到“系统化”:边疆非传统安全治理转向

国家安全是安邦定国的重要基石,维护国家安全是全国各族人民根本利益所在。边疆地区远离国家中心区域又与多国毗邻,其社会经济发展与内地和沿海在发展程度上有相当的差距,往往民族宗教问题交织在一起。边疆治理除了面临传统安全的挑战外,还面临着来自政治、经济、社会、文化和生态五个方面非传统安全的系统挑战并朝着多元化、复杂化、复合化态势的趋势演化。因此,要推进边疆非传统安全治理的“碎片整合”,实现边疆非传统安全系统化治理,要求从边疆治理现代化的全局视野与整体视角上,把握好非传统安全治理与边疆治理现代化的关系和规律,以系统观念把握边疆非传统安全治理的全局,以源头治理作为化解边疆非传统安全系统性挑战的根本手段,以聚焦重点破解边疆非传统安全治理系统瓶颈,进而建构多元共治的系统化治理,实现边疆治理的系统优化,提高边疆治理化解非传统安全挑战的系统效能。     

抗击疫情与铸牢中华民族共同体意识

铸牢中华民族共同体意识是中国作为统一的多民族国家实现治理体系现代化和提高治理能力的需要,也是充分发挥国家制度和国家治理体系显著优势的保障。在抗击新冠肺炎疫情这个重大事件中体现出铸牢中华民族共同体意识与发挥国家治理的制度优势具有内在一致性。基于"国家-民族"理论视角,探讨铸牢中华民族共同体意识的现实路径:从单向式到双向式。即不但有自上而下的国家主导力量,也有自下而上的民族地区及非民族地区的支持力量;既有纵向维度的国家与民族地区及非民族地区的双向互动,也有横向维度的民族地区和非民族地区之间的双向互动。新冠肺炎疫情防控下铸牢中华民族共同体意识为完善现代国家治理体系提供了实践参考,即国家治理要推动形成集中统一的更具灵活性的纵向协调机制和横向协调机制。     

北宋神哲时期对西北蕃部的民族立法

宋神宗、哲宗时期.随着熙宁、绍圣的开边拓土,蕃汉民族交往日益增加.土地关系、民族关系以及新旧归附区社会稳定等诸多新问题接踵而至.为了保障西北边疆政策的顺利贯彻,政府强调运用法律手段加强对西北蕃部的治理,先后制定了一系列针对西北蕃部各族的民族法律法规.它的制定、颁布和实施.对于处理西北边地各族矛盾和纠纷、打击西北缘边各种违法犯罪活动.促进西北蕃部民族稳定和社会发展起了重要作用.     

极端民族主义恐怖犯罪的刑事控制及其评价

After entering the 21st century, ter￣rorist crimes have become more serious. Terrorism has become one of the worst problems of the mod￣ern world and will continue to be a serious problem in the future. China is also facing the challenge of terrorist crime. Can the present criminal system accomplish the mission of legislative control of these crimes and fulfill the goal of penalising them? It seems that a review and evaluation of the rele￣vant criminal legislation and policies is necessary.
There are different definitions of terrorist crimes. American scholars Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman gave a review of 109 different definitions that appeared during the period from 1936 to 1983 , and proposed their own opinions in the book Political Terrorism. Chinese scholar Hu Lianhe analyzed 50 definitions that appeared after 1982, and proposed his own idea. On January 1 2016 , the third article of the Zhonghua renmin gongheguo fan kongbu zhuyi fa ( Anti -terrorism Law of the P. R. C) formally defines “terrorism”and “terrorist activities”. Generally speaking, both the academic and legal definitions have gener￣alized three characteristics of “terrorist crime”from subjective and objective aspects: 1 ) taking social order, public security, personnel and prop￣erty as the target of the ( terrorist ) behavior; 2 ) hurting the targets described above or threatening the state organs or international organizations by way of violence, destruction or intimidation; 3 ) taking the realization of some certain political or i￣deological purpose and claims as the ultimate goal of the ( terrorist) behavior.
Concerning the relation between extreme na￣tionalism and terrorism, the general idea is that“there is no pure form of nationalism; it is always combined with some certain political or social pow￣er, and characterized with social movement or his￣torical process”. And seeing from the development course of terrorism,“nationalism is one of the most permanent roots of terrorism”, and is also “one of the most powerful roots of terrorism.”
China has mainly experienced five revisions of its law concerning terrorist crimes: 1 ) revising criminal law in 1997 , and including terrorist or￣ganizations into the criminal penalty for the first time ; 2 ) legislating about terrorist crimes in the xingfa xiuzhengan san ( Criminal Law Amendment III) in 2001; 3 ) intensifying the applicability of the criminal law to terrorist crimes in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan ba ( Criminal Law Amendment VIII ) in 2011;4 ) including technical detection measures of crime on terrorist activities in the xingshi susong fa ( Criminal Procedure Law) revised in March 2012, thereby establishing the legal position of this kind of detection measure in criminal procedure; 5 ) substantially adding accusations in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan jiu ( Criminal Law Amendment IX ) re￣vised in 2015 , and strongly fighting against the ter￣rorist crime .
“As one of the social policies, criminal policy is a kind of countermeasure to handle different kinds of crime without delay - this determines that the formulation of criminal policy is bound to social politics and economics in a period of time.”Since the founding of New China, China has made up corresponding criminal policies according to the social needs and criminal status in different eras. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship be￣tween various ethnic groups, and respect the ethnic culture and customs, a criminal policy called “li￣angshao yikuan” (“less arrested, less killed, and punished leniently”) had been carried out con￣cerning the ethnic minority crimes. However, this criminal policy which had played an important role in juridical practice in handling criminal cases of ethnic minorities is unlikely to be a basic criminal policy for the control of extreme nationalist terrorist crimes in the present day. On the new historical stage,“kuanyan xiangji” ( combining punishment with leniency) has become a basic policy for deal￣ing with criminals in China—this policy is based on the inheritance of the rational connotation of the combination of serious and lenient punishment in the criminal policy, and learning the experience or lessons of “seriously fighting” criminal crimes since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. Doubtlessly, this new criminal policy has a guidance significance in the punishment of all criminal activities, including extreme nationalist terrorist crimes of the present.
A basic evaluation of China’ s criminal legis￣lation on the punishment of extreme nationalist ter￣rorist crimes is:1 ) it has developed from non-ex￣istence to existence; the relevant criminal legisla￣tion is in accord with the developmental direction of domestic terrorist crimes and the anti-terrorism situation;2 ) it has worked in concert with the anti-terrorism strategy of the UN, and performed a state party’ s duty;3) it has an obvious tendency of “severe penalty ”; 4 ) the revision of criminal law has started to be influenced by the risk concept of criminal law.
In summation, China ’ s criminal legislation and criminal policies have a positive significance in controlling the extreme nationalist terrorism crimes. However, there are still some deficiencies of the strategies of controlling crime. Hence, the following issues should be addressed in the subse￣quent legislation: 1 ) Before identifying a kind of behavior as a crime, one should judge whether the duty attached to the new accusation is a kind of ex￣cessive demand on the ordinary people;2 ) The ra￣tionality of the expected goal of criminal legislation cannot guarantee the rationality of a specific sys￣tem, therefore, the lawmakers also need to consid￣er whether the measures for realizing the goal are reasonable. 3) The deserved function of the non-criminal penalty method should be noticed, and it should be developed rationally and harmoniously together with the criminal penalty,thus a solid sys￣tem which can control extreme nationalist terrorist crime should then be constructed. 4) The guaran￣tee of human rights also cannot be ignored in the anti-terrorist legislation and criminal policies.     

宗教事务依法管理的路径及基础——以四川藏区依法治理为视角

Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.     

Crime,politics and police in the Palestinian's society in Israel

This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered.     

论犯罪控制模式中的民俗控制

犯罪是严重危害人身安全和财产安全,侵害和平生活与经济发展的反社会行为,是当今世界普遍关注的重大的社会问题。我国目前对犯罪控制过分强调国家对犯罪的控制力量,在市场经济不断发展,必然出现小政府、大社会的现实面前,这种模式存在较大的缺陷。本文通过对民俗与犯罪的关系考察,把民俗引入犯罪控制的视野,从民俗入手,以审慎的眼光来理解乡民行为实践所构筑的意义世界,客观地探讨民俗在乡民地区所发挥的功能,进而提出:民俗作为民间力量对预防犯罪具有巨大作用。     

In the shadow of fortress Europe? Impacts of European migration governance on Slovenia,Croatia and Macedonia

ABSTRACT

This article analyses European integration's effects on migration and border security governance in Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia in the context of ‘governed interdependence’. We show how transgovernmental networks comprising national and EU actors, plus a range of other participants, blur the distinction between the domestic and international to enable interactions between domestic and international policy elites that transmit EU priorities into national policy. Governments are shown to be ‘willing pupils’ and ‘policy takers’, adapting to EU policy as a pre-condition for membership. This strengthened rather than weakened central state actors, particularly interior ministries. Thus, in a quintessentially ‘national’ policy area, there has been a re-scaling and re-constitution of migration and border security policy. To support this analysis, social network analysis is used to outline the composition of governance networks and analyse interactions and power relations therein.     

块数据背景下西藏城市社区的多元立体治理路径

块数据,正深刻地改变着人们的生产生活方式。在特定空间范围内,基于块数据对人、事、物所在的各行业或领域的海量数据融合,逐渐被应用到城市社区治理中。西藏自治区作为我国重要的安全屏障,基层社区的安全稳定关系到整体国家安全。立足当前西藏城市社区构建的“三级平台、四级管理”网格化治理平台,西藏自治区城市社区施行了基于空间地理、社会个体、政府、企业块数据融合的多元化、立体化治理。     

The racialized death-politics of urban resilience governance

ABSTRACT

In the essay, ‘Necropolitics’, Achille Mbembe attends to the contemporary subjugation of life to the power of death – exceptional violence that exceeds the biopolitical aim of fostering life – thus alluding to a state of emergency in which law is suspended and martial rule is brought into force. However, as several commentators have suggested, exceptional politics does not need to be legitimized by a declared state of emergency, such as in cases where governmental and non-governmental actors are vested with powers to take strong measures against specific urban sub-populations in the name of security or order maintenance. Still, even these reworked and expanded approaches to death-politics revolve around sovereign exceptionality and the accompanying fabrication of undesirable ‘others’. Somewhat counterintuitively, the present article advances an analysis of racialized security politics issuing from the breakdown of representational, topographical boundaries between ‘inside’ and ‘outside’, ‘us’ and ‘others’. Illustrated by a case from Malmö, Sweden, it urges greater attention to how necropolitics could operate entirely outside the trope of emergency as exception. The principal argument is that urban security politics, when operating within the frame of resilience governance, involves distinctly different configurations of necropolitics, which require a critical-theoretical vocabulary outside the traditional framework of securitization.     

Islamic Law,Secular Law,and Societal Norms: The Recognition of Islamic Legal Practices in the Netherlands and the Protection of Muslim Women’s Human Rights

This article examines the extent to which Islamic law is accommodated in the Netherlands, by analysing legislation, case law, and the political discourse in the field of Islamic divorce, and focuses on the tension and proposed balance between gender equality and freedom of religion. It finds that, as the priority lies with protecting Muslim women’s rights, Muslim law in the Netherlands remains in the unofficial sphere, potentially alienating Muslim communities. This article explores whether and how Dutch law could continue to ensure respect for gender equality while working towards greater respect for a minority group’s cultural and religious freedom. Two options are presented in this regard: more responsibilities for Civil and Criminal courts, or the establishment of Sharia Councils. Lessons are drawn from the United Kingdom’s experiences.