Mortality in England and Wales from 1848 to 1947

This is a survey of the changing causes of death in England and Wales during the past 100 years. Based on the published mortality statistics of the General Register Office the framework of the survey is a series of specially prepared tables of death rates by sex, age and cause of death for the periods 1848–72, 1901–10, 1921, 1931, 1939 and 1947. Adjustments were made wherever necessary to compensate for changes in medical nomenclature and in the statistical classification of disease.

After allowance has been made for the changing age structure of the population, the male death rate at all ages in 1947 was 42% of the rate in 1846–50, and the female rate 35 %. Maximum improvement was among girls aged 5–9 years, whose death rate in 1947 was 9% of the rate 100 years before.

In 1848–72 the group to which were allocated the largest proportion of the deaths at all ages were the infectious diseases with one-third of the total; and these were followed by the respiratory, nervous and digestive diseases. In 1947, on the other hand, diseases of the circulatory system came first with rather more than one-third of the total at all ages, and these were followed by cancer.

Changes in proportionate mortality rates from various causes have been examined at successive ages from infancy to old age. There was a decline in proportionate mortality from the infectious diseases other than tuberculosis, but increased mortality from tuberculosis in the younger age groups and from violence, circulatory diseases and cancer.

The trends of absolute mortality from the various causes were also studied. The reduction in total mortality was such that whereas there were half a million deaths of civilians registered in England and Wales in 1947, the total would have been over a million had the death rates of 1848–72 still prevailed.

The article concludes with a brief review of the factors responsible for the changes that have taken place.     

Rising Mortality in Hungary

Although Hungary is not alone in Eastern Europe in experiencing a rising death rate during recent years, this adverse development would seem to have progressed further there than in neighbouring socialist countries, with the possible exception of the Soviet Union. The Hungarian death rate has been rising since the mid-1960s in part because the population was ageing but, more significantly from the health point of view, because of a real increase in mortality among certain sections of the population. The age-specific death rates of males aged 15 and over were all higher in 1980 than in the mid-1960s, the increase being particularly marked for the age group 30–59; moreover, women aged 30–59 are also now beginning to display the same characteristic. In the paper the individual contributions of the various causes of death to these trends are examined and some of the factors that are thought to have enhanced the risk of dying are outlined.     

How Long Do We Live?

Period life expectancy is calculated from age‐specific death rates using life table methods that are among the oldest and most widely employed tools of demography. These methods are rarely questioned, much less criticized. Yet changing age patterns of adult mortality in countries with high life expectancy provide a basis for questioning the conventional use of life tables. This article argues that when the mean age at death is rising, period life expectancy at birth as conventionally calculated overestimates life expectancy. Estimates of this upward bias, ranging from 1.6 years for the United States and Sweden to 3.3 years for Japan for 1980–95, are presented. A similar bias in the opposite direction occurs when mean age at death is falling. These biases can also distort trends in life expectancy as conventionally calculated and may affect projected future trends in period life expectation, particularly in the short run.     

Relative Trends In Mortality From Related Respiratory and Airborne Infectious Diseases

Poor living conditions and inadequate diet were undoubtedly major contributors to high infectious disease death rates in Britain during the nineteenth century, but improvements were not necessarily the precondition for mortality decline. Evidence of consistent improvements is far from conclusive, while different trends for different diseases have to be explained. Scarlet fever and whooping cough death rates did not decline until the last few decades of a century in which measles mortality was continuing high Respiratory and gastro-intestinal complications are frequently involved in conditions of overcrowding and poverty. Death rates for recorded respiratory diseases themselves reveal a downturn at the end of the century, but respiratory tuberculosis mortality declined throughout and smallpox was virtually eliminated through vaccination measures. The interrelated nature and aetiology of these diseases has implications for changes in mortality, while population variables and other transmission factors including social behaviour patterns are probably crucial for an understanding of historical and contemporary trends.     

Period‐Based Mortality Change: Turning Points in Trends since 1950

We investigate a major turning point in mortality trends at adult ages that occurred for many low‐mortality countries in the late 1960s or early 1970s. We analyze patterns of total and cause‐specific mortality over the past 60 years using data from the Human Mortality Database and the World Health Organization. We focus on four broad categories of causes of death: heart diseases, cerebrovascular diseases, smoking‐related cancers, and all other cancers. We use a two‐slope regression model to assess the timing and magnitude of turning points in mortality trends over this era, making separate analyses by sex, age, and cause of death. The age pattern of temporal changes is given particular attention. Our results demonstrate convincingly that period‐based factors were very significant in the onset of the “cardiovascular revolution” in the years around 1970. In general, although cohort processes cannot be ruled out as a driver of mortality change in recent decades (especially for mortality due to smoking‐related cancers), the evidence reviewed here suggests that period factors have been the dominant force behind the mortality trends of high‐income countries during this era.     

Continued Reductions in Mortality at Advanced Ages

Mortality data for 30 mostly developed countries available in the Kannisto–Thatcher Database on Old‐Age Mortality (KTDB) are drawn on to assess the pace of decline in death rates at ages 80 years and above. As of 2004 this database recorded 37 million persons at these ages, including 130,000 centenarians (more than double the number in 1990). For men, the probability of surviving from age 80 to age 90 has risen from 12 percent in 1950 to 26 percent in 2002; for women, the increase has been from 16 percent to 38 percent. In the lowest‐mortality country, Japan, life expectancy at age 80 in 2006 is estimated to be 6.5 years for men and 11.3 years for women. For selected countries, average annual percent declines in age‐specific death rates over the preceding ten years are calculated for single‐year age groups 80 to 99 and the years 1970 to 2004. The results are presented in Lexis maps showing the patterns of change in old‐age mortality by cohort and period, and separately for men and women. The trends are not favorable in all countries: for example, old‐age mortality in the United States has stagnated since 1980. But countries with exceptionally low mortality, like Japan and France, do not show a deceleration in death rate declines. It is argued that life expectancy at advanced ages may continue to increase at the same pace as in the past.     

Reproductive histories of Chinese women in rural Taiwan

In the summer of 19 5 3, a 3 % sample of the households in a rural area of Taiwan was enumerated. Special attention was paid to the fertility histories of women and, among other information, dates of births of live-born children to women living at the survey date were obtained. The data were extracted from registration records, occasionally checked by personal interview.

Women aged 45–64 had borne an average of 7.1 children. The oldest cohorts (women over 65 at survey) appeared to have a lower fertility. This is in part due to the reduction in the incidence of early widowhood, caused by the improved mortality of men since the beginning of the century.

The data are further analysed by parity and age at marriage.

Tabulations of the intervals between births of successive order, show that these remain constant with increasing birth order at about 2.7 years. The age at the last confinement was about 40 years.     

Heterogeneity,dependence among causes of death and Gompertz

Heterogeneity in a population with respect to mortality, or variation in “frailty”; among members of that population, which has been discussed extensively in the literature over the last decade and a half is essential to any realistic model of dependence among causes of death. The main problem then is the development of a mortality model incorporating heterogeneity and cause of death which is both realistic and of manageable proportions.

In a recent paper (J. H. Pollard, 1991), it has been shown that many life table results are remarkably insensitive to the strict shape of the mortality curve, at least for more developed populations, and that accurate approximations can in many cases be obtained knowing only the mortality rates at two representative ages (e.g. 50 and 70). These results and the Gompertz “law”; of mortality can be used to develop manageable approximate formulae for the expectation of life under heterogeneity and correlation among the causes of death. The formulae are confirmed by simulation.

Numerical results indicate, somewhat surprisingly, that the effects of correlation among causes of death, even at quite high levels, on expectation of life and changes on expectation of life when particular causes of death are reduced or eliminated are relatively minor.     

Trends in senescent life expectancy

The distinction between senescent and non-senescent mortality proves to be very valuable for describing and analysing age patterns of death rates. Unfortunately, standard methods for estimating these mortality components are lacking. The first part of this paper discusses alternative methods for estimating background and senescent mortality among adults and proposes a simple approach based on death rates by causes of death. The second part examines trends in senescent life expectancy (i.e., the life expectancy implied by senescent mortality) and compares them with trends in conventional longevity indicators between 1960 and 2000 in a group of 17 developed countries with low mortality. Senescent life expectancy for females rises at an average rate of 1.54 years per decade between 1960 and 2000 in these countries. The shape of the distribution of senescent deaths by age remains relatively invariant while the entire distribution shifts over time to higher ages as longevity rises.     

Segmented generation mortality

For a clear understanding of the inherent changes in mortality with advance in age, it is necessary to observe the experience of generations rather than the cross-section of period experience. In fact, the latter may produce a misleading picture as can be illustrated in the case of tuberculosis. Period experience pointed to a rise in tuberculosis death rates with advance in age, whereas generation experience indicates a decline with aging, The present paper proposes the study of mortality changes of all generations existing at one period to a subsequent period. Some characteristics and trends in the changes in generation mortality of white males and white females since 1900 are discussed. It is pointed out, in particular, that since World War II white males have been experiencing a rapidly increasing rise in generation mortality with the approach of midlife. A comparison of generation mortality changes from 1950 to 1960 among countries of traditionally low mortality shows that only males in the other English-speaking countries may be undergoing the same experience as white males in the United States upon the approach of midlife. It is not evident in the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands and in the other countries. The reason for these differences is not apparent.     

Three measures of longevity: Time trends and record values

This article examines the trend over time in the measures of “typical” longevity experienced by members of a population: life expectancy at birth, and the median and modal ages at death. The article also analyzes trends in record values observed for all three measures. The record life expectancy at birth increased from a level of 44 years in Sweden in 1840 to 82 years in Japan in 2005. The record median age at death shows increasing patterns similar to those observed in life expectancy at birth. However, the record modal age at death changes very little until the second half of the twentieth century: it moved from a plateau level, around age 80, to having a similar pace of increase as that observed for the mean and the median in most recent years. These findings explain the previously observed uninterrupted increase in the record life expectancy. The cause of this increase has changed over time from a dominance of child mortality reductions to a dominance of adult mortality reductions, which became evident by studying trends in the record modal age at death.     

The longevity of Jews in Canada, 1940–1942

A life table for the Jewish population of Canada, based upon their mortality experience during 1940–2, yielded an average length of life (expectation of life at birth) of 67–53 years for males and 69·89 years for females. These figures are greater than those for the general population of Canada by 4·58 years for males and 3·60 years for females. These margins decrease with advance in age; the expectations of life for Jews and for the total Canadian population are equal at age 25 in the case of females, and at age 35 in the case of males.

Jewish infants in Canada start life with a mortality rate, in the first year, only two-fifths of that for the general population. This advantage for Jews is observed through childhood, adolescence, and early maturity. However, the margin between the Jewish and total populations decreased with advance in age until, shortly after age 50, the Jews begin to show the higher mortality rates.

The Jewish populations of the United States and of Canada have great similarities in their social and economic structures. They also share, very largely, in their European origins, and they have come to North America during the same period. It is, therefore, a fair assumption that the longevity and mortality characteristics of the relatively small Jewish population of Canada may be indicative of what might be found for the millions of Jews in the United States, for whom such information is not available.     

Some aspects of socio-economic determinants of mortality in tropical Africa

Measurements of mortality levels and trends continue to be inadequate in Africa, largely because of the lack of reliable and adequate information on deaths. A series of estimates depicting mortality levels and trends has been prepared by demographers, different kinds of data and employing different estimation procedures, but knowledge of the "true" structure of mortality in tropical Africa is virtually nonexistent. Because of these problems only a "bird's eye view" of the prevailing situation in tropical Africa is presented. The discussion -- directed to mortality by sex and age, by residence, and by cause -- is based on secondary and fragmentary data. Socioeconomic and cultural determinants of mortality are also examined. Available information on male and female mortality indicates that the death rates for males are higher than they are for females. Early childhood mortality (1-4 years) in tropical Africa is relatively high compared with the other age groups, including infants. Mortality differentials have been noted among geographical and administrative units and subdivisions of populations within the various countries of tropical Africa. Also, urban dwellers enjoy a higher expectation of life at birth than do rural dwellers. Communicable diseases are the main killers in tropical Africa. Persistent poverty and malnutrition, poor housing, unhealthy conditions in the growing cities, nonexistence of health facilities in the rural areas, rapid population expansion, and low levels of education are among the factors impeding progress in reducing mortality in tropical Africa. The need exists to express development goals in terms of the progressive reduction and eventual elimination of malnutrition, disease, illiteracy, squalor, and inequalities. Future trends in mortality in tropical Africa may depend more than they have in the recent past on economic and social development.     

Black–White Disparities in Adult Mortality: Implications of Differential Record Linkage for Understanding the Mortality Crossover

Mortality rates among black individuals exceed those of white individuals throughout much of the life course. The black–white disparity in mortality rates is widest in young adulthood, and then rates converge with increasing age until a crossover occurs at about age 85 years, after which black older adults exhibit a lower mortality rate relative to white older adults. Data quality issues in survey-linked mortality studies may hinder accurate estimation of this disparity and may even be responsible for the observed black–white mortality crossover, especially if the linkage of surveys to death records during mortality follow-up is less accurate for black older adults. This study assesses black–white differences in the linkage of the 1986–2009 National Health Interview Survey to the National Death Index through 2011 and the implications of racial/ethnic differences in record linkage for mortality disparity estimates. Match class and match score (i.e., indicators of linkage quality) differ by race/ethnicity, with black adults exhibiting less certain matches than white adults in all age groups. The magnitude of the black–white mortality disparity varies with alternative linkage scenarios, but convergence and crossover continue to be observed in each case. Beyond black–white differences in linkage quality, this study also identifies declines over time in linkage quality and even eligibility for linkage among all adults. Although linkage quality is lower among black adults than white adults, differential record linkage does not account for the black–white mortality crossover.     

The cocos-keeling islands: A demographic laboratory

The Cocos Islands, which are situated in the Indian Ocean approximately halfway between Colombo and Fremantle, were first peopled early in the nineteenth century and were gradually developed as a very isolated coconut plantation with a labour force consisting partly of persons of Malay stock descended from the original group of settlers and partly of Bantamese contract labourers from Java. As the Cocos-born population increased in size, the dependence on contract labour decreased and, before the end of the century, all immigration ceased. The 1947 Malay population of the islands was about 1,800.

The islands are fascinating from a demographer's point of view because there was a virtually complete registration of live births, deaths and marriages and a partial registration of stillbirths. With these registration records it was possible to construct the life history of every individual from birth, through infancy and childhood to marriage, and thence through fatherhood or motherhood to death.

The picture revealed by an analysis of these records is that of a population with very high fertility and with mortality at a high level before the first World war and at a medium level after that war. Crude birth rates varied between 50 and 60 per thousand population during the period 1888 to 1947. Crude death rates were between 30 and 40 per thousand population until 1912 but under 2.0 per thousand population after 1918.

Most Cocos girls married before reaching the age of 20 and there were an average of between eight and nine live births per woman living through the childbearing period. There was a steady decline in the average number of live births with advancing age at marriage from age 16 onwards. A significantly high proportion of those dying in the middle of the childbearing period had never married, but the fertility of those marrying at an early age (14, 15 and 16) and dying before reaching the age of 36 was slightly higher than that of those who married at a similar age and survived. Women who survived to the age of 55 were of higher fertility than those who died between the ages of 40 and 55. An analysis of birth intervals revealed significant differences (a) between birth intervals after a stillbirth or after a live birth in which the child died in early infancy, and birth intervals after a live birth in which the offspring survived for longer than 0.4 years, and (b) between the interval from first to second birth and the subsequent birth intervals. There was a difference of almost exactly a year between the average birth interval after a stillbirth or live birth ending in a neo-natal death and the average birth interval after the birth of a child surviving to age 2; there was a similar difference of a year between corresponding median birth intervals.

From 1888 to 1912 infant mortality was well above 300 per thousand. After 1918 infant mortality averaged rather under 100 infant deaths per 1,000 live births. The reduction in infant mortality rates was accompanied by an increase in the mortality of children aged 1 to 4, and the heavy incidence of mortality at these ages after 1918 is the most striking feature of the analysis of mortality by age. Whilst mortality in infancy fell much more heavily on males than on females, early childhood mortality was much higher in Cocos for girls than for boys. The life table computed for the period 1918 to 1947 indicated a life expectancy of about 50 years for males and 47 years for females.     

Bridging the gap: Determining long-term changes in infant mortality in pre-registration England and Wales

Much effort has been expended in analysing a small sample of parish registers to produce national estimates of infant mortality for the period 1570–1840. However, in an age when inter-parish variations in infant mortality were considerable, national trends often obscured local and regional differences. By analysing data from the initial years of Civil Registration (1839–1846) together with infant mortality rates from a range of parishes, it is possible to assess the extent of variation and change in England and Wales during the period 1580–1840. The geographical variations in infant mortality and the age structure of infant deaths were sufficient to suggest that the most important influence on whether infants survived was disease environments.     

Cardiovascular and Tuberculosis Mortality: The Contrasting Effects of Changes in Two Causes of Death

Tuberculosis was the largest source of deaths among younger adults, and cardiovascular disease among older adults, in the America of 1900. Decreases in deaths from tuberculosis since 1900 and cardiovascular disease since 1940 explain most of the mortality drops in those age groups over the century. This article, building on previous work by White and Preston, shows the results of increased survival from these two causes on the US population structure. Standard demographic cause-specific mortality calculations are used to generate life tables without deaths from cardiovascular disease or tuberculosis. Then fixed rates for these diseases from early in the century are assumed while all other causes of death are allowed to change as they did historically. Improvements in cardiovascular mortality and tuberculosis produce some seemingly illogical contrasts. More people are alive today because of the decrease in tuberculosis. Yet more deaths from cardiovascular disease have been prevented, and cardiovascular improvements have raised life expectancy more. Lower tuberculosis mortality had virtually no effect on the average age of the population. Lower cardiovascular mortality alone has raised that average more than all twentieth-century causes of improved mortality combined.     

Population Variation in Cause of Death: Level,Gender, and Period Effects

The trends in 13 cause of death categories are examined with respect to expectation of life, sex differences, and period effects while misclassification of cause of death is controlled. The results suggest that as mortality declines, 1) the increasingly U-shaped age pattern of mortality is a period effect associated with the infectious diseases, 2) the risks of both overall infectious and degenerative causes of death decline, and 3) infectious disease mortality declines more in males, while degenerative disease mortality declines more in females. Finally, the model shows that some contemporary populations are approaching the .limits of reduction in mortality during infancy, childhood, and young adulthood. Past declines in the degenerative diseases, however, suggest that mortality may continue to decline.     

Losses of Expected Lifetime in the United States and Other Developed Countries: Methods and Empirical Analyses

Patterns of diversity in age at death are examined using e ^†, a dispersion measure that equals the average expected lifetime lost at death. We apply two methods for decomposing differences in e ^†. The first method estimates the contributions of average levels of mortality and mortality age structures. The second (and newly developed) method returns components produced by differences between age- and cause-specific mortality rates. The United States is close to England and Wales in mean life expectancy but has higher life expectancy losses and lacks mortality compression. The difference is determined by mortality age structures, whereas the role of mortality levels is minor. This is related to excess mortality at ages under 65 from various causes in the United States. Regression on 17 country-series suggests that e ^† correlates with income inequality across countries but not across time. This result can be attributed to dissimilarity between the age- and cause-of-death structures of temporal mortality reduction and intercountry mortality variation. It also suggests that factors affecting overall mortality decrease differ from those responsible for excess lifetime losses in the United States compared with other countries. The latter can be related to weaknesses of health system and other factors resulting in premature death from heart diseases, amenable causes, accidents and violence.     

The Effect of Veteran Status on Mortality among Older Americans and its Pathways

This research examines excess mortality among American veterans age 70 years or older during a two-to-three year interval from 1993/94 to the end of 1995. Using a structural hazard rate model, we analyzed data on a sample of respondents age 70 or over from the Survey of Asset and Health Dynamics among the Oldest Old (AHEAD). We found that at age 70, older veterans have a slightly higher death rate than their nonveteran counterparts, implying a mortality crossover right before this age. Such excess mortality among veterans increases considerably with age, when other factors are held equal. The direct and indirect effects of veteran status on mortality by means of physical and mental health mostly perform in opposite directions, and such effects vary greatly in magnitude and direction as a function of age. The intervening effects of physical and mental health status decrease substantially with increasing age. Many of the mechanisms inherent in the excess mortality among older veterans are not captured by variations in their health status, especially among the oldest-old. A more extensive study on this topic is urgently needed.