Some psychological problems in family planning work]

Psychology has significance in family planning work, because it may promote the scientific nature of family planning work and thus increase its effectiveness. Since people have some common aspects in their psychological process, family planning workers should master some common rules of the people's psychological process in order to understand psychological trends and possible behavior. Through this method, family planning workers may find how to adjust to problems they may encounter in their daily work, such as the worries about a single child being too lonely, spoiled, and hard to handle for the parents, the traditional belief that more children represent good fortune, and more male children may provide security for one's old age. Traditionally, the Chinese people believed that only male children can carry on the family line and that more children will provide a larger labor force, which is beneficial to a family's financial situation. In family planning work, all such incorrect ways of thinking should be corrected and revised. Studies of children's psychology should also be developed so that children may develop a healthy mentality. All these are crucial to the success of family planning work and the promotion of population quality.     

The relationship of family planning to savings and consumption in Taiwan

This study relates fertility behavior to modern economic behavior, namely, saving and consumption of modern durables, for a sample of couples in Taiwan. It uses only couples who say they want no more children, and these couples are further classified by current use of contraception and by whether or not they already had excess fertility. Couples who are successful fertility planners, i.e., those who have no unwanted children and are current users of contraception, are distinctive with regard to modern economic behavior as compared to couples who do not use contraception or have excess fertility. Successful planners are more likely to save and to have more modern durables; these differentials remain when adjustments are made for the effects of family income, wife’s age, wife’s education, and duration of marriage. It seems that the kind of planning behavior which enables a couple to successfully plan their family size also enables them to manage their economic affairs so that they can save and enjoy more modern consumption goods.     

Falling fertility in Indonesia: success in national family planning

This publication summarizes the findings of the National Indonesia Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (NICPS), which revealed a rapid decline in Indonesia's fertility rate. This article also describes how the successful Indonesia family planning program is designed and maintained. Since 1975, fertility rates have dropped from 5.5 to 3.3 children per woman. Those practicing contraception during the same period has risen from 400,000 couples to 17 million. Contraceptive education is high (e.g. 95% of all married Indonesian woman are familiar with a modern contraceptive method). The Indonesia family planning program cooperates with other government activities designed to improve people's health and welfare. It emphasizes access to contraceptive methods and promoting the idea small family. The program was structured to us extensive community involvement, and cultural beliefs were incorporated into program policy; Islamic leaders were consulted before program implementation. The program is flexible so that the differing needs of each region can be effectively met by the family planning program. The future main goal will be to contain a potential population boom when the 40% of the present population which is under 15 years of age becomes reproductively mature.     

The influence of mumber and ages of children on residential mobility

Married couples without children are more geographically mobile than those with children, at least through age 45. Among husband-wife couples with children, ages of children exercises a consistent mobility differential; when age of family head is controlled for, families with children under 6 years old only are the most mobile both within and between counties, followed by those with children under 6 and 6–17 years old, and followed in turn by families with children 6–17 years old only. The relationship between number of children and the probability of moving within counties has a reverse J-shape for family heads at each age under 45; after age 45 the relationship assumes a more normal J shape. Number of children is inversely related to the probability of migrating (moving between counties) for husband-wife families in which the husband is under 35; after age 35 the relationship is erratic. The effect of ages of children generally holds for each size of family. Female family heads with children are generally more geographically mobile than male family heads (wife present) at the same age and with the same number and ages of children present.     

A survey of the family planning work done in Dongguan County

The total fertility rate of women of childbearing age of Dongguan County in China has been decreasing gradually from 5.9 during the period following the liberation in 1949 to 2.05 in 1982. In order to encourage young couples to implement the policy of family planning consciously, the people's government of Dongguan county decided in July 1980 that all cadres and employees in county towns who received 1-child certificates would be exempted from house rent of 45 square meters from the time they get their certificates and would be allocated a living space of a 2-children family until their children reached age 16. It also stipulated that every couple could enjoy 1 month's holiday every year for 3 years and during the holiday, their salary, bonus and rate of attendance would not be affected. Because women bear less children today, they are relieved from heavy household chores and become the main working force in collective production. As a result, the development of town-run enterprises was stimulated and the total industrial output value of these enterprises increased. The average monthly salary of each female worker is about 100 yuan. In 1984, the average income per capita of the country rose to 649.2 yuan. The implementation of family planning work has eased the tension in the education field. Previously, because of the large number of school-age children in rural areas, teachers had to teach 2 classes. In the past 4 years, great emphasis was laid on intellectual investment. During this period, 2351 schools were built and several fundraising projects were implemented. Since 1981, more than 200 new running water projects were built, and new public services have been developed, including old age homes.     

Withdrawal in Pakistan: new insight into an old method

Although family planning programs pay almost no attention to the validity of coitus interruptus (withdrawal), it is a traditional method of family planning widely used to regulate fertility in Pakistan. Large-scale quantitative studies conducted in recent years in Pakistan by the Population Council have indicated that withdrawal is the most popular temporary method of fertility regulation in the country, second among all methods only to female sterilization. Pakistani couples use withdrawal mainly because they believe that modern methods are unsafe for women and unreliable. They have some fears and misconceptions about modern methods. The method may work well in Pakistan also because users seem to feel that they own it. Withdrawal is therefore a reasonable option given Pakistanis' beliefs and circumstances. Those who use withdrawal in Pakistan practice the technique with considerable efficacy and tend to continue using it. Furthermore, couples which use withdrawal have discussed their family planning preferences and decided together to use the method. However, in order to improve the use of modern methods of contraception, information provision, counseling, and interpersonal communication must be improved.     

A preliminary survey of specialized households with single children in Tianjin rural areas

A preliminary survey of specialized households with single children in Tianjian rural areas was carried out in order to understand the impact of the economic system reform on family planning programs. Out of 180,000 specialized households, 37,000 are those of young peasants under 35, accounting for 24% of the total specialized households. The survey showed that family planning publicity could be improved in 4 ways. A change in the peasants' concept of childbearing in favor of family planning should be actively promoted. Publicity efforts should be strengthened. Both the content and methods of family planning education and publicity should be improved. Publicity should be integrated with service. Centers of publicity and guidance should become centers of publicity and service. Family planning workers should become close friends of young couples of reproductive age. Education must be integrated with service. A recent trend of having fewer children has set in. This change manifests itself in 3 ways: the state policy of making the people rich greatly encourages young couples to devote themselves to pioneering causes; after becoming rich, the peasants become aware that they should have healthier and better educated children; when the peasants become rich they worry less about their old age and other problems. The recent trend toward early marriage in rural areas should be curbed.     

再论“四二一”结构:定义与研究方法

"四二一"结构是中国低生育率背景下家庭结构与代际关系的一种特殊表达,既反映了20世纪70年代以来计划生育政策广泛推行对中国家庭的深刻影响,又揭示了中国现阶段婚姻家庭乃至未来人口发展的特点与趋势。目前这一领域的研究虽然已经取得一系列的进展,但在概念界定与使用的方法上仍缺乏共识,导致研究结论的分歧和研究拓展的迟滞。在中国社会剧烈变动的形势下,"四二一"结构是研究中国的计划生育政策、独生子女问题,以及家庭结构与代际关系变动的一个良好的载体和切入点。     

Male sterilization as a contraceptive method in Canada an empirical study

Abstract In 1851-61, the crude birth rate in Canada was 45. In 1972, it was approximately 16. Not only have birth rates decreased but the average family size has declined from five or six children per family at the turn of the century to two or three children in the 1970'S. In addition, women are completing their childbearing at an earlier age. 50 years ago, it was not uncommon for a woman to have a child in her late thirties or early forties. To-day, this is a relatively rare event. In fact, it is estimated that approximately 80% of all families have the number of children desired before the woman is 30 years of age. This new demographic pattern creates an important and crucial situation for Canadian couples. At age 30, with all the desired children and 15 more years of potential childbearing ahead of them, what can they do to prevent the occurrence of additional pregnancies?     

Indonesia: paradise lost

Bali has been facing a rapid increase in population over the past 15 years. The total now is 2.3 million and density is 409/sq km. Recent family planning efforts have produced good results with 56.2% of eligible couples using a contraceptive. This success appears to be due to 1) religion (most are Hindus), 2) Balinese women are receptive to arguments of having fewer children as many work, 3) many (68%) use the IUD so the dropout rate is low, and 4) the traditional community organization system (BANJAR) is used and it has monthly meetings.     

The international family planning movement

Over the past 3 decades, the number of women using family planning has increased 6-fold to over 400 million married women of childbearing age. The evolution of behavior and attitudes toward using birth control among third world couples reflects the goals and hard work of an international network of individuals, governments and organizations. This article follows the progression of this movement, from early opposition in developed as well as developing countries, to the present day, when birth control is practiced by a slight majority of the world's women of childbearing age. Among world regions, contraceptive use ranges from about 17% in Africa to 75% in Asia. In some African countries, however, family planning is still a foreign concept, and fewer than 5% of women use any birth control. International organizations played a crucial role in spread of family planning by providing training for developing country professionals, funding actual family planning programs and helping to evaluate programs. But the success of a country's family planning program also was dependent upon a national commitment, and often on a strong socioeconomic setting. The private sector has had a limited role except in some countries, notably in Latin America, but its involvement is likely to expand in the future. Also, as financial support from the US and international organizations wanes, national governments will cover a larger share of the cost. The worldwide increase in the practice of family planning has led to fertility declines in many third world countries, slowing rapid population growth rates. For individuals, family planning has been a liberating influence, allowing them to participate more fully in the shift from traditional to modern society.     

Theoretical explanation of rapid decline in China's fertility]

China's fertility decline is widely acknowledged. The 1982 census and a random survey of 1/1,000th of the nation's population set the total fertility rate at 2.6%. Bureau of statistics data collected in 1984 showed the nation's birth rate as 1.7% and total fertility rate 1.94%. Friendly observers call this a miracle; others blame the decline on forced government family planning policy. Scientific pursuit of the causes for the decline is an issue of practical and realistic value. First, favorable conditions for fertility decline have been fostered by the socialist system and are deeply rooted in the country's economic development. China's industrialization and urbanization have brought new lifestyles and liberated individuals and families from the constraints of traditional family life. Couples have chosen to limit the number of children, to enhance the quality of life and education potential of their children, thus altering the traditional high fertility in China. Education of women has played a role in raising women's consciousness; a 1982 census placed the fertility rate of women with high-school level education or above, lower than that for less or uneducated women. Neonatal mortality rate decline is also related to the spontaneous decline in fertility rate, as high fertility has historically been intended to compensate for high child mortality rates. Welfare and social security systems for the elderly have also helped change the traditional mentality of having many children as assurance of life support in old age. Social organizations have accelerated knowledge and methods of planned fertility. Later marriages are also a factor: in 1970 the average marriage age was 19 - 20 and had increased by 1976 to 22 - 23. Other favorable social factors include free birth control and the view of population planning as an essential part of national welfare.     

Sub-Saharan Africa: population pressures on development

The population of sub-Saharan Africa, estimated at 434 million in 1984, is expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2025. The birth rate, currently 48/1000 population, continues to increase, and the death rate, 17/1000, is declining. Rapid population growth has curtailed government efforts to provide adequate nutrition, preserve the land base essential for future development, meet the demand for jobs, education, and health services, and address overcrowding in urban areas. Low education, rural residence, and low incomes are key contributors to the area's high fertility. Other factors include women's restricted roles, early age at marriage, a need for children as a source of security and support in old age, and limited knowledge of and access to modern methods of contraception. Average desired family size, which is higher than actual family size in most countries, is 6-9 children. Although government leaders have expressed ambivalence toward development of population policies and family planning programs as a result of the identification of such programs with Western aid donors, the policy climat is gradually changing. By mid-1984, at least 13 of the 42 countries in the region had indicated that they consider current fertility rates too high and support government and/or private family planning programs to reduce fertility. In addition, 26 countries in the region provide some government family planning services, usually integrated with maternal and child health programs. However, 10 countries in the region do not support family planning services for any reason. Unfortunately, sub-Saharan Africa has not yet produced a family planning program with a measurable effect on fertility that could serve as a model for other countries in the region. Social and economic change is central to any hope of fertility reduction in sub-Saharan Africa. Lower infant and child mortality rates, rising incomes, higher education, greater economic and social opportunities for women, and increased security would provide a climate more conducive to fertility decline. Given the limited demand, great sensitivity must be shown in implementing family planning programs.     

A research on the assurance of family planning and providing for the aged]

An important cause of resistance to China's family planning (FP) program in rural areas is the need to have children to support parents in their old age. Provision of insurance for old age support will facilitate the implementation of the FP program among the rural population. A trial project was initiated in five cities and counties in Fujian province i 1986. The program included schemes for both eligible couples and for single children. The township or the village pays a lump sum or monthly premium to the insurance company for each couple, which enables them to collect 30-35 Yuan/month after they reach 55 years of age. To further expand the insurance program, a survey was conducted in 1987 to determine whether rural farmers would be willing and able to pay the insurance premium themselves. 77% of the respondents reported that they could afford to pay 60% of the premium. Among them, 59% were willing to pay. It was suggested that besides individual purchase of the insurance plan, the rural communities could contribute to the payment of the premium from the fines for unplanned births, from the local tax, and from the country government budget. Preferential treatment should be given to the couples of two daughters who receives sterilization; the communities should pay for a larger share of their premium. The current insurance scheme needs to be reformed so that the plan can offer more than the individual's bank savings. To do so, the insurance company needs to be able to invest their premium income and obtain higher returns. The employees of the insurance company need to improve their work efficiency to win the trust of the people in the program.     

Does family planning work in a Chinese way

The demographic and economic characteristics of China make it necessary to do family planning work in China in a Chinese way. Special characteristics of China and corresponding strategies are detailed 1) China is rather underproductive and underdeveloped, with a huge population, whose growth must be curtailed while industrial and agricultural production is enhanced. 2) In the next 10 years, a large number of young people will center childbearing age, prompting a government policy favoring late marriage and one child per couple. 3) China is large and heterogeneous, and regional authorities should have some population policymaking functions to take sociocultural differences into account. 4) Male child preference ideology in rural areas has been gently combated with a resulting increase in family planning rate from 65.1% to 74.2% from 1979 to 1983. Family planning authorities have made considerable progress, as demonstrated by figures such as a drop of women's total fertility rate from 5.68 in the 60s to 2.07 in the 70s. The task at hand remains large: the population at the end of 1983 was 1,024,950,000. However, family planning is an element of state policy, the marriage law, and the constitution, and mored an more, societal ideology. Government policy equates family planning with child wellness and societal welfare and attempts supportiveness of couples showing positive birth limiting attitudes. An ample system of family planning programs and resource persons furnishes education, a variety of high quality methods are available, and contraceptive research is some of the best in the world.     

Gender differences in knowledge and attitudes toward modern and traditional methods of child spacing in Malawi

This paper examines male-female differences in knowledge and attitudes towards traditional and modern methods of child spacing in Malawi, based on the survey on traditional methods of child spacing in Malawi which was conducted in 1988. The results show that most people in Malawi are knowledgeable about both traditional and modern methods of child spacing. In general more men than women report knowledge and practice of traditional methods. For modern methods, however, females are more knowledgeable than males of all the specific methods, with the exception of condoms. The greater knowledge by women of female-based modern contraceptives appears to be a manifestation of the exclusion of males from the family planning program. The high rates of knowledge do not translate into equivalent high rates of utilization for both modern and traditional methods of contraception. The study further demonstrates that, while women are involved in making decisions to use contraception, the proportion of men initiating such decisions is greater than that of women. This finding calls for family planning planners to think seriously about revising their target population to include men.     

The family planning work as suggested by analysis of the age at first marriage in Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province]

Since 1970 when the big push for family planning began, China advocated late marriages. In general, the age for late marriage for female peasants is 23 years and 25 for males; for urban females and males, it is 25 and 27 years, respectively. In 1981 the New Marriage Law stipulated the age at marriage to be 20 years for females and 22 for males (these ages are lower than the ages advocated for marriage in actual practice). Despite the New Marriage Law, however, there was in 1981 an increase in the number of people who married before attaining the "late marriage age," thereby creating problems in family planning work. Since 1981, early marriages have been an increasing phenomenon (for the purposes of this essay, age at early marriage is 23 years for females and 25 for males). Jiaxing Prefecture had a 460.53% increase from 1979 to 1981 in the number of women who married early. The following findings were based on studies of Tungxiang and Pinghu Countries. Early marriages as well as "regular" marriages have increased greatly, with early marriage exceeding the number of other marriages. Urban marriages are far more moderate in number than rural marriages, partly because family planning work in urban areas is more effective. Early marriage in areas where family planning work was effective is less extreme than in areas where family planning work was ineffective. Findings from Kayuan Commune of Tungxiang County shows that 47.8% of all male marriages in 1981 were early marriages, as opposed to 6.3% in 1980. The average age for men at marriage in 1981 was 1.6 years younger than in 1980, and .75 years younger for females. Undoubtedly the New Marriage Law influenced the trend in early marriages, but the main reason is that the agarian economy is backwards. Further, traditional attitudes (e.g., "the sooner the children come the sooner the riches come") prevail.     

Birth rate of Beijing population drops nearly 60% in 20 years

The birthrate of the Beijing (China) population dropped by 60% in the last 20 years. Consequently, population reproduction is characterized by a pattern of low birthrate, low mortality rate, and a low growth rate. The birthrate of the Beijing population was 36.30/1000 in 1950 and rose to 43.41/1000 in 1963. During the 1950-63 period, the average annual birthrate of Beijing population reached 36.71/1000 and the number of births was 2.23 million. Since the beginning of the 1970s, the rapid population growth has been effectively checked by great efforts made in practicing family planning. Over the 1970-83 period, the average annual birthrate dropped to 14.9/1000 and the number of births totaled 1.75 million. With the advance of the family planning effort, particularly acceptance of the concept of practicing family planning for the modernization drive, the people's reproductive notion has changed for the better. At this time, more and more men and women of reproductive age have broken away from the influence of old ideas such as "the earlier the couples have their sons, the soonner they will be helped." By 1982, the average age at 1st marriage was 25.8 years for males and 24.7 years for females. This was a remarkable change as compared with the 1960s. According to the 1982 population census, Beijing women over 60 years had 4.83 children, while those in the age groups 55-59, 50-54, 45-49, 40-44, 35-39, 30-34, and 25-29 has 4.81, 4.50, 3.72, 2.95, 2.32, 1.58, and 0.57 children respectively. Today, 0.66 million couples in Beijing volunteer to have only 1 child.     

Practising planned birth and carrying out the education of transforming social traditions]

Practicing planned birth involves more than having fewer children; it revolutionizes old habits and customs. According to Confucian and Mencian tents, of the 3 unfilial acts, to lack an heir is the greatest. Even today some believe that only males are capable of carrying on the family line, but actually both male and female are posterity because: 1) historically, there have been societies where only women were considered to be heirs; 2) scientifically, both men and women pass on hereditary characteristics; 3) racially, all men and women are children of the nation. Further, the following old ideas must be addressed: traditionally a woman married into a man's family and thus was not considered an heir, but a man can just as easily become a member of the woman's family; 2) in old China women had no inheritance rights, but by law they now do, so they can be heirs; 3) when women married they took the man's surname and it was thus thought her family line would die, but posterity and surnames are two separate matters. The traditional attitude that "the more the offspring, the greater the prosperity" is not necessarily true because: 1) a big family does not necessarily mean there are more people to work because children under 16 years old cannot contribute to the family's labor force and need to be supported; 2) when children mature, they marry and must use their resources for their own family, so they cannot continue to subsidize their parents; furthermore, a big family requires enough land and agricultural implements to work it; 3) even though a big family has a greater income, expenditures are also larger. The traditional attitude of "raising children to forestall the problems of old age" no longer applies because with or without children the elderly can rely on the socialist system of ownership.