If my group stereotypes others,others stereotype my group…and we know. Concept,research lines and future perspectives of meta-stereotypes

Abstract

This paper presents a review of sociopsychological literature on the recent topic of meta-stereotypes, i. e., beliefs that group members typically have about how others see them. The impact of meta-stereotypes on intergroup relations and their connection with stereotyping processes are analyzed.

Antecedents, concept and traits of meta-stereotypes are described in an attempt to show that meta-stereotypes fit into the general category of processes derived from group members' awareness that outgroup members stereotype their group. In order to arrive at a proper definition of meta-stereotypes, its differences with related concepts are underlined in the second section of the paper. A review of research published or in progress on meta-stereotypes follows, trying to show how they have contributed to the study of this process and to open new lines of research. Finally, three recent theoretical developments in social psychology, i.e., social stigma, stereotype threat, and empathy are analyzed and their connection with meta-stereotypes is emphasized.     

The effects of social power and disparagement humor on the evaluations of subordinates

Abstract

This article examines the effects of social power and disparagement humor on the evaluation of subordinates. According to prejudiced norm theory, it is proposed that powerful people, compared with the powerless, are more likely to negatively evaluate subordinates when exposed to disparagement humor against subordinates. To test this hypothesis, two studies were conducted. Study 1 (N = 116) aimed to analyze and select humorous material (neutral vs. disparagement humor against subordinates) that allowed us to test our hypothesis. Study 2 (N = 116) investigated the effect of the exposure to disparagement humor in people who hold or not a power position. Results showed an interaction between power and type of humor: when powerful people were exposed to disparagement humor they evaluated subordinates worse than the powerless, whereas when they were exposed to neutral humor there were no differences between groups. The implications of these results are discussed.     

What affects media commentators’ views of protest actions? Evidence from the Portuguese wave of anti-austerity contention

ABSTRACT

Media attention is crucial for social movements in pursuing their goals. Opinion makers in the press, in particular, can be expected to influence how mass audiences perceive protests. Yet we still have a poor understanding of the factors that explain the level of legitimacy that media commentators award to different protest actions. To address this gap, this paper compares 45 opinion articles written by press commentators in main-interest Portuguese newspapers about two of the prominent anti-austerity demonstrations in the country: the Geração à Rasca demonstration on 12 March 2011, and the Que se Lixe a Troika demonstration on 15 September 2012. Content analysis of this corpus of articles suggests that there were important differences in the level of legitimacy that commentators awarded to each of the protests. An analysis of the way commentators framed each protest suggests the use of a similar set of frames related to the characteristics of the protest events (e.g. claims, strategy), but differential deployment of these frames across the cases. For example, the same frames were sometimes used to legitimize one protest event, and delegitimize the other, and hence could not explain the differences in commentators’ views. It was rather the different context of the protests (e.g. social, economic and political), and the way that media commentators framed that context, that explains the level of legitimacy awarded to the two protests. Because the QSLT demonstration of 15 September 2012 was a protest directed against a measure that commentators framed as unfair and unnecessary (raising the single social tax), they regarded the demonstration as being more legitimate. In turn, because the Geração à Rasca demonstration occurred in a context where austerity was framed as necessary and unavoidable, it was regarded as less legitimate.     

Metacognitive confidence: A neuroscience approach

Abstract

Power leads to action and facilitates goal pursuit. The present study examines the joint effects of power and action demands on the ability to maintain the pursuit of goals. It is proposed that the power advantage in goal pursuit is particularly pronounced when goal striving requires high level of activity. Participants were assigned to a powerful or a powerless role and pursued a goal either in a passive or in an active self-regulatory mode. Level of activity affected powerless but not powerful participants: powerless participants gave up goal pursuit earlier when the level of activity required to maintain the goal was high (i.e., showed the typical passive-option effect), whereas this was not the case for powerful participants. The implications of these findings are discussed.     

Are They Not Worthy? How Partisan Political Blogs Legitimize the Tea Party Movement and Occupy Wall Street

Social movements struggle to gain acceptance as legitimate actors so that they can raise money, recruit members, and convince politicians to meet their demands. We know little, however, about how this legitimacy is granted by various political authorities, in part because legitimacy is often poorly operationalized. To operationalize legitimacy, I revise Charles Tilly's ( 1999 ) classic concept of WUNC displays (i.e., public presentations of worthiness, unity, numbers, commitment) to assess how political authorities legitimize social movements. I analyze original data on the coverage the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street received from 20 elite political blogs during a critical event early in each movement's development. I find that liberal and conservative blogs both use the same aspects of worthiness (and not unity, numbers, or commitment) to endorse their preferred movement but different aspects of unworthiness to denounce the movement they opposed. Conservative outlets were more partisan on both accounts. This suggests that these blogs' shared status as distinctly partisan political outsiders produces a similar, but not identical, relationship with social movements. While both sets of blogs legitimize and delegitimize a movement based on its specific strengths and weaknesses, conservative blogs act more as a partisan bullhorn and liberal blogs act more as a forum for debate.     

摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性分析

本文从历史与传统、现代与理性、宗教以及国王个人魅力等四个方面分析了1956年独立后摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性的基础和来源.作者指出,摩洛哥阿拉维君主制的统治反映了韦伯关于合法统治的三种类型,即合理型、传统型和魅力型,其中,传统型占主导地位并与伊斯兰教紧密相连.迄今,宗教神圣的合法性体现了阿拉维君主制所有统治合法性学说的本质,然而其神圣性也遭到了质疑和挑战.     

The Contribution of Older Siblings' Reactions to Emotions to Preschoolers' Emotional and Social Competence

SUMMARY

According to Tompkins' (1991) theory on the socialization of emotion, young children's emotional and social competence are influenced by others' reactions to the children's emotions. Patterns of parental reactions to emotions have been shown to account for significant variance in preschoolers' emotion and social competence. However, the impact of others significant in the preschooler's life has been largely ignored. To help fill this gap, associations were examined between older siblings' reactions to 41 preschoolers' emotions and the preschoolers' social-emotional competence (i.e., affective balance, emotion knowledge, positive, prosocial, and provocative responding to peers' emotions, sociometric likability, and teacher-rated social competence). Using a multiple regression strategy, the contributions of sibling reactions and moderating demographic variables to preschooler emotional and social competence were evaluated. Certain sibling reactions, especially positive emotional responsiveness, were shown to play important roles. Many predictions were moderated by age of child, sex of one dyad member     

Controlling others and controlling oneself: Social power and emotion suppression

Abstract

Power is associated with living in reward-rich environments and causes behavioural disinhibition (Keltner, Grumfeld & Anderson, 2003). Powerful people also have greater freedom of emotional expression (Hecht & La France, 1998). Two studies were conducted with the aim of: a) analyzing the effect of dispositional power on emotion suppression, and b) exploring the simple and interaction effects of dispositional and situational power on emotion suppression. In a first correlational study, the power of individuals was found to be negatively correlated with emotion suppression. In a second experimental study, participants were assigned to a powerful or powerless position and negative emotions were induced with pictures. Participants were asked to suppress their emotions during the presentation of the pictures. Participants' emotion suppression was measured using the suppression subscale of the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (Gross & John, 2003). Results showed that dispositionally powerless participants suppressed their emotions more than dispositionally powerful participants only when they were assigned to a low power position. These results are discussed.     

摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性分析

本文从历史与传统、现代与理性、宗教以及国王个人魅力等四个方面分析了1956年独立后摩洛哥阿拉维君主制统治合法性的基础和来源。作者指出，摩洛哥阿拉维君主制的统治反映了韦伯关于合法统治的三种类型，即合理型、传统型和魅力型，其中，传统型占主导地位并与伊斯兰教紧密相连。迄今，宗教神圣的合法性体现了阿拉维君主制所有统治合法性学说的本质，然而其神圣性也遭到了质疑和挑战。     

STEREOTYPE THREAT AND THE STUDENT‐ATHLETE

Achievement gaps may reflect the cognitive impairment thought to occur in evaluative settings (e.g., classrooms) where a stereotyped identity is salient (i.e., stereotype threat). This study presents an economic model of stereotype threat that reconciles prior evidence on how student effort and performance are influenced by this social‐identity phenomenon. This study also presents empirical evidence from a framed field experiment in which students at a selective college were randomly assigned to a treatment that primed their awareness of a negatively stereotyped identity (i.e., student‐athlete). This social‐identity manipulation reduced the test‐score performance of athletes relative to non‐athletes by 12%. These negative performance effects were concentrated among male student‐athletes who also responded to the social‐identity manipulation by attempting to answer more questions. (JEL I2, C9, D0)     

What “likes” have got to do with it: Exposure to peers' alcohol-related posts and perceptions of injunctive drinking norms

Objective: Examine 1) whether observed social reinforcements (i.e., “likes”) received by peers' alcohol-related social media posts are related to first-year college students' perceptions of peer approval for risky drinking behaviors; and 2) whether associations are moderated by students' alcohol use status. Participants: First-year university students (N = 296) completed an online survey in September, 2014. Method: Participants reported their own alcohol use, friends' alcohol use, perceptions of the typical student's approval for risky drinking, and ranked 10 types of social media posts in terms of the relative numbers of “likes” received when posted by peers. Results: Observed social reinforcement (i.e., “likes”) for peers' alcohol-related posts predicted perceptions of peer approval for risky drinking behaviors among non-drinking students, but not drinking students. Conclusions: For first-year college students who have not yet initiated drinking, observing peers' alcohol-related posts to receive abundant “likes” may increase perceptions of peer approval for risky drinking.     

New Directions in Globalization Indices

Abstract

This paper discusses the measurement of globalization with a view to advancing the construction of globalization indices. It critically analyzes the types of indices that can contribute to knowledge and policy on globalization. Three issues are particularly highlighted: (a) the focus of measurement (i.e. on activities or policies); (b) the dimensions of measurement (i.e. cultural, ecological, economic, political, and/or social); and (c) the units of measurement (i.e. local, national, regional, and/or global). This paper argues that a workable forward strategy should not seek to identify the single best composite globalization index, but rather should work in an interdisciplinary mode towards a set of complementary globalization indices. These quantitative analyses can then be productively blended with qualitative approaches in a fuller assessment of globalization's extent and impact.     

The Modern Poor: On the Sociological Position of Social-Aid Clients

Abstract

The social-aid institution has been analyzed almost exclusively from a social problems approach, aiming at the understanding of social aid clients as a social problem. This article views them from a different angle, as a sociological category occupying a unique position in society. Following Simmel, we deal here with those who are poor in a social sense, i.e., anyone receiving public assistance. It is the acceptance of social assistance which makes clients into a specific sociological stratum. The specific kinds of rules and roles involved in any society's public assistance system are thus seen to produce the sociological position of the clients. With goalmotivated assistance, clients tend to be by-passed. With relationship-motivated assistance, the increasing formalization of modern society has made clients and practioners equal in one important sense—both are subordinated to the same rules and regulations.     

Power and Role-Taking

Abstract

Power and role-taking theory argues that social structural arrangements influence face-to-face communication processes. Specifically, powerful and powerless interactants tend to differ in their motivation to take the other's role and in the accuracy of their interpersonal understandings. Basic concepts of the theory and its interrelated propositions are identified. A comprehensive literature review gauged its empirical support. With some qualifications, a set of 26 quantitative studies supported propositions regarding the relationship of unequal power to role-taking propensity, accuracy, and empathy. Examination of 8 qualitative studies offered fruitful directions for theoretical refinements. A set of 15 practice effectiveness studies suggest that role-taking processes in asymmetrical relationships can be changed. Practice implications for social workers committed to challenging the power imbalances typical to crossgender, interracial, interclass, and crossposition relationships are suggested.     

Adolescent Adjustment and Patterns of Parents' Behaviors in Early and Middle Adolescence

In this study, we identified unique clusters of parenting behaviors based on parents' school involvement, community involvement, rule‐setting, and cognitive stimulation with data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics—Child Development Supplement. In early (n=668) and middle adolescence (n=634), parents who provided high cognitive stimulation (i.e., cognitive enrichment parents) or engaged in all parenting behaviors (i.e., engaged parents) had the highest family income, parent education, and percentage of European Americans. Adolescents of cognitive enrichment or engaged parents often evidenced the highest academic and social adjustment. Adolescents whose parents set a large number of rules (i.e., “Rule setters”) or were also heavily involved in the community (i.e., the “Managers” cluster) had the lowest adjustment.     

Building democratic public spheres? Transnational advocacy networks and the social forum process

What, if anything, can transnational advocacy networks (TANs) contribute to the democratization of public spheres outside Westphalian frameworks? On the one hand, TANs excel at turning international public campaigns into political influence – connecting people and power across borders. On the other hand, the increasingly policy‐orientated nature of TANs raises questions about their legitimacy in speaking on behalf of multiple publics. In this article, I suggest that a TAN's success in ensuring the political efficacy of public spheres, while at the same time undermining their normative legitimacy, reflects two sides of the same coin. This is a consequence of the recent internal professionalization of advocacy networks. Framing professionalization as a particular form of communicative distortion within TAN decision‐making, I suggest that networks should incorporate internal deliberative mechanisms, adapted from international social forums, to enhance the normative legitimacy of democratic public spheres.     

ON 'MAELSTROMS LARGE AND SMALL,METAPHORICAL AND ACTUAL': 'GRAY ZONES' IN THE WRITINGS OF PRIMO LEVI

This article examines the work of Primo Levi, with a focus on the tensions between ‘witness’ and ‘public intellectual’ in Levi's work. It analyses the notion of ‘gray zones’ in Levi's writings, where it functions as a way of indicating transformations in political action and public discourse in the wake of Auschwitz: most importantly, the Nazi genocide undermined the position of ‘spectator’ crucial to liberal discourse by implicating the spectator as a ‘bystander’. The study goes on to discuss the concepts of ‘work’, ‘science’ and ‘intellect’ in Levi's writing, showing how these categories reflect Levi's ultimately unsuccessful struggle to uncover a mode of political thought and public intervention adequate to the changes in political space of which the ‘gray zone’ is symptomatic, i.e. a condition of universal complicity and powerlessness. It concludes that implicit (and undeveloped) in Levi's thought is a set of ‘aesthetico-political’ presuppositions concerned with the articulation of founding, legitimacy and judgement. These presuppositions challenge the reliance of emancipatory discourses upon subjectivity and the logic of self-determination, indicating the need for a politics based on ‘pedagogical accountability’. Resisting the postmodern logic of ‘testimony’, which emerges in the gap between universal claims and their performance and hence dismantles the ‘outside’ as a space of judgement, i.e. the determination of the legitimacy of actions, the politics of pedagogical accountability grounds such an outside in the conjoining of power, responsibility for the world and boundary thinking. This space ‘outside’ ideology and the circulation of subjectivities emerges via resistance to the specifically ‘anti-political’ violence pervasive in late capitalism, and through the clarification of the distinction between this mode of violence and that (‘pre-political’) violence aimed at ‘subjects’.     

Region‐Urbanicity Differences in Locus of Control: Social Disadvantage,Structure, or Cultural Exceptionalism?

People with internal rather than external locus of control experience better outcomes in multiple domains. Previous studies on spatial differences in control within America only focused on the South, relied on aggregate level data or historical evidence, or did not account for other confounding regional distinctions (such as variation in urbanicity). Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Study, we find differences in adolescents' loci of control depending on their region and urbanicity are largely attributable to differences in their social background, and only minimally to structural differences (i.e., differences in the qualities of adolescents' schools). Differences that persist net of differences across adolescents and their schools suggest the less internal control of rural Southern adolescents, and the more internal control of rural and urban Northeastern adolescents, may be due to cultural distinctions in those areas. Results indicate region is more closely associated than urbanicity with differences in locus of control, with Western and Northeastern cultures seemingly fostering more internal control than Midwestern and Southern cultures. These findings contribute to research on spatial variation in a variety of psychological traits.     

From the Editor—Social Work Education for New Times

Abstract

A content analysis of 266 recommendation letters showed that males are more often associated with so-called male stereotype traits, while females are more often associated with so-called female stereotype traits. This outcome follows Gilligan's (1982) different voice theory: There are gender-based differences in values. It is argued that male and female voices should be merged to strengthen social work education and the profession and that an artificial male-female dichotomy should not set up.