哈萨克族国家认同追溯——乌孙与汉朝的关系及对汉朝的认同

乌孙是哈萨克族的主要先民之一,乌孙与汉朝的关系及对汉朝的认同,是哈萨克族确认归属国的端始,对哈萨克族的国家认同产生着较大影响。乌孙与汉朝的关系经历了互为接触、多重交往、归并汉朝的过程,对汉朝的认同由关系认同、归属性认同发展为合法性认同。从中可以看到国家认同高于一切,不仅是现代国家也是早期国家的最基本要求。     

"祁连小月氏"族源新探

在"单一族源"论的影响下,历来史家都将战国秦汉间曾活动于河西走廊地区月氏及"祁连小月氏"视为同源民族.不过中外历史文献与实物资料表明,河西走廊地区月氏本由突厥、乌孙和羌所组成的一族三源民族."祁连小月氏"虽曾是河西走廊月氏的一部分,但其并不与西迁西域的大月氏同源于突厥族,而实际上则源于羌族.     

古代塞种在哈萨克草原的活动

一、塞种的起源及其分布 中外史学家部公认乌孙族是哈萨克族的主要族源。可是乌孙族原来并不在伊犁河流域,而是居于敦煌,祁连间,于公元前160年左右才西徙伊犁河流域,因而乌孙未到伊犁河之前,塞种与大月氏族已先游牧于该地,所以《汉书·西域传》称:“乌孙国……本塞种也,大月氏西破走塞王,塞王南越悬度,大月氏居其地,后乌孙昆莫击破大月氏,大月氏西徙臣大夏。而乌孙昆莫居之,故乌孙民有塞种、大月氏种云。”可知乌孙虽在伊犁河一带建国,其中融入的塞种之民是不少的,现在于哈萨克族的克昔恰克、阿尔根等部落中仍     

僚族源流考释

魏晋南北朝时期,在原来骆越的分布区内,出现了一个上承骆越,下启近现代壮侗语族各民族的僚族,这并不是一个新产生的民族,而是汉民族历史学家在新的历史时期对骆越的新认识.他们在与汉民族的接触和与周边民族的交往中,渐次发展为今中国境内壮侗语族及中南半岛掸泰民族的直接先民.     

哈萨克族婚俗初探

哈萨克族是世居我国西部边疆地区的古老民族,是西北古代少数民族乌孙、塞种、月氏、康居、阿兰等许多部落和部族经过长期的历史发展过程逐渐融合而形成的。俄罗斯历史学家阿·列夫申在《吉尔吉斯——哈萨克各部及各草原的叙述》中说,哈萨克是很早就有的古代部族之一,其族名也出现较早。哈萨克族是有1000多万人口的跨国民族,主要活动在地跨欧亚大陆的哈萨克草原上(杭爱山、阿勒泰山、塔尔巴哈台山、天山至乌拉尔山、额尔齐斯河、额敏河、伊犁河至耶底里河一带及加依克河流域。中国的哈萨克族约有120万,多与汉、回、维吾尔、蒙古等族     

缅甸的勃欧族与中国境内的阿昌族不是同一民族

云南省共有25个民族，居住在其西边中缅边境德宏的世居民族共有5个，即傣族、景颇族、阿昌族、德昂族、傈僳族，德宏5个世居民族与缅甸对应民族分别是掸族、克钦族、迈达族、崩龙族和傈僳族，其中傣、景颇两个民族对应缅甸八大民族中的掸族、克钦族。原来被误称的缅甸勃欧族不是阿昌族，而是另一个民族，即中国境内的侗族。     

论族际政治及族际政治研究

族际政治是族际关系的重要内容,它在族际交往的过程中形成,并在民族国家出现以后发生了重大改变。作为一种族际互动的形态,族际政治有自己的特殊本质和丰富内涵,并对民族关系产生着深刻的影响。长期以来,族际政治并未被作为一种正常的政治形态看待。第二次世界大战后越来越广泛、越来越经常化、越来越具有影响的族际间政治互动,逐渐把族际政治凸显为一种常态化的政治形态。现实中越来越突出的族际政治现象,也强烈地呼唤着族际政治研究。因此,必须拓展民族政治学的研究领域,开展族际政治研究。     

壮族歌谣与越南越族歌谣韵律结构之比较

歌谣的韵律结构是最具民族特色的,它是鉴别歌谣的民族属性的最为可靠的尺度之一.壮族歌谣的韵律结构与越南越族歌谣的韵律结构有惊人的相似之处,不仅像汉族歌谣那样押脚韵,更为奇特的是押腰脚韵和押腰韵.壮族和越族同为古越人的后裔,其歌谣有共同的韵律结构,绝不是偶然的巧合,而是两个民族原始共同文化的遗存.     

倒淌河蒙古村蒙古族族源考

聚居于海南藏族自治州倒淌河乡蒙古村的蒙古族 ,在这一藏族聚居区域内的蒙古族村落呈现出一种特殊的人文景观。本文试从民族学、历史学角度对该村蒙古族族源进行了考释。     

鄂伦春族族称与族源刍议

鄂伦春族是一个宽泛的部落族群,与鄂温克族、达斡尔族的历史关联紧密,其族称体现了这种多样性的特征。比如,与鄂温克、达斡尔两族合称为“索伦部”。“鄂伦春”族称最早见于清朝的历史文献中。崇德五年(1640),《清圣祖实录》中出现了“俄尔吞”一词,此即“鄂伦春”。关于鄂伦春族古老部落的名称主要有“玛涅依尔”“毕拉尔”“满珲”“奇乐尔”“山丹”等。关于鄂伦春人的族源,有“室韦”说、“肃慎”说、“鲜卑”说、“肃慎系靺鞨”说、“通古斯”说、“丁零”说、“综合说”,等等。     

从最新考古学成就看鲜卑族的渊流与发展

本文利用最新的考古学材料把鲜卑族先世的历史推到旧石器时代晚期,即距今12000-10000年前,以后又经过新石器时代(8000-4000年),青铜时代(4000-2000年),到了汉代鲜卑族,并发展为隋唐的室韦、蒙古、明清的锡伯族。     

唐故游击将军穆泰墓志考释——兼论唐朝胡人汉化的问题

文章在考释近年出土的唐故游击将军穆泰墓志铭文的基础上,分析穆泰本人及其先人籍贯、家居、任职等情况,推测穆泰家族源自鲜卑,系北魏孝文帝改鲜卑(贵族)姓为汉姓辗转而来。文中对穆泰等人所任职务、任职地点等在前人相关研究的基础上多有订正和补充,澄清了若干唐史和民族史学界长期存而不明的问题,并以此揭示鲜卑人汉化的具体过程。就穆泰家族而论,因其多在都城西北诸民族势力活动之地,又以武职为显,其家族汉化较之进入内地核心区之鲜卑人汉化之例显有差别,其特征表现在:在融入儒家文化圈的过程中还保留着北方游牧民族文化的若干因子,在物质层面背后还寄托着本民族的某种精神情怀。     

广西汉代牂牁水道研究

早在二千多年前的西汉时代,就有一条从夜郎国流经广西直达番禺的水上通道曰“牂牁江”。然而自唐宋以降,广西诸水道何为汉之牂牁水道,则众说纷云,莫衷一是,出现了“左江牂牁说”、“右江牂牁说”、“融江牂牁说”以及“红水河牂牁说”四种意见。本文认为:今天广西的红水河及其上游主干流北盘江(在今贵州省),才是真正的汉之牂牁水道。     

一个多民族文学融合互动的范本——《述善集》文学文献价值考述

“Tangwu” is an alternative name for the descendants of the Xixia dynasty. In 1227 AD, a number of these Xixia descendants moved inland after the destruction of the Xixia Dynasty by the Mongolians. One group of them migrated to the area near Puyang, Henan Province. Tangwu Chongxi ( Yang Chongxi ) of the Yuan Dynasty compiled the Shu San Ji, which is divided into three volumes: Shansu, Yucai and Xingshi, and appended with the biography of Boyan Zongdao. It reflects the historical origins, social class, living conditions and the relations with the Han people of the descendants of the Dangxiangqiang minority af-ter they moved to Puyang. This book attracted a lot of attention in academic circles, and it was there-fore reorganized and published in 1985 after being treasured by the people for more than 600 years. It has high academic value for its comprehensive his-torical records. We can not only acquaint ourselves with the history of the make-up of the Chinese na-tion, but also research this diversity from multiple perspectives, such as history, nationality and folk-lore . That is why it has drawn so much attention a-mong academic researchers. The book contains po-ems, prose and biographies, which belong to dif-ferent celebrated scholars from different ethnic mi-norities, all of whom had relationships with Tang-wu Chongxi. It is also a typical model of Qiang-Han literature, which is very rare. This paper gives a preliminary exploration on the book, and shows a small part of its comprehensive value. Shu San Ji is not a merely personal collec-tion, but is also different from general literature collections. The compilation of the book took a long time. Shu San Ji Xuxie ( Continuation of Shu San Ji) , written by Zhang Yining, was finished in the 18 th year of the Zhizheng Period in the Yuan Dynasty (1358), which indicates that the Shu San Ji had already been finished by that time . Zeng wuwei chushi yangxiangxian xu ( Presented to Chu Shi Yang Xingxian·Preface ) , written by Wei Su and finished in the 24 th year of Zhizheng ( 1364 ) , suggests that the Shu San Ji had been compiled in-to a book by that time, and that it was compiled with the compositions of social celebrities of the time. However, the Shu San Ji, as it has been handed down to us today, includes the Song Yang-gong Xiangxian gui Tanyuan xu ( Preface of Send-ing Yanggong Xiangxian Back to Tanyuan) by Tao Kai, written in March in the 5 th year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty ( 1372 ) . It indicates that Yang Xiangxian kept on collecting articles even after the book was finished. The Xu yangshi yiji ( Preface of Yang’s Last Collection) by Wang Chongqing, writ-ten in the 6th year of Jiajing (1527), indicates that the Shu San Ji was still being written after Yang Chongxi’s death. At the end of the Shu San Ji , Boyang Zongdao zhuan ( Biography of Boyang Zongdao) and Weiti shi (Poems) were collected in the 16 th year of Zhengde in the Ming Dynasty (1529) and in the 16th year of Shunzhi in the Qing Dynasty (1629), respectively. It suggests that the
Shu San Ji had been supplemented and continually recompiled since Yang Chongxi firstly finished his book in 1358. After 271 years, in 1629, the Shu San Ji, as we read it today, was finally comple-ted. Through the basic components of the Shu San Ji,readers can understand that the Tangwu family was a harmonious, multi-ethnic family. A number of multi-ethnic writers spent long periods compos-ing works collected in the Shu San Ji and Tangwu Chongxi was also influenced by China’s diverse culture and traditional Confucian culture. The work is strongly connected with his study in Guozixue. In the late Yuan Dynasty, the restora-tion of the imperial examinations promoted Confucianism’s influence further. Pan Di, as Tang-wu Chongxi’s teacher in Guozixue, wrote most arti-cles in the Shu San Ji, which shows their close re-lationship and his influences on Tangwu Chongxi’s literature and Confucian studies. Tangwu Chongxi and others’ works reflected their sense of admira-tion for and deep feelings for their Dangxiang an-cestors, but more so helped to propagate the con-cepts of Confucian edification, diligence, thrifti-ness and benevolence, and some of them did so in a very polemic way. For example, Boyan Zongdao wrote the Jiefu xu ( preface of “Jiefu”) and Tang-wu Chongxi wrote the Jiefu houxu ( epilogue of“Jiefu”) , which reflect the social reality and ide-ology of all scholars with different ethnic back-grounds at that time. His work, “Tangwu gong-bei” fushi ( Poem inscribed on Tangwu Tablet ) , was written in a plain and authentic way and showed that he always remembered his origins and his ethnic desire to inherit the family’s heritage. Meanwhile , it was also mixed with the popular ide-as of upholding the honor of their ancestors from the central plains and Han areas, which shows the
editorial purpose of the Shu San Ji and also dem-onstrates the value of Chinese multi-ethnic litera-ture and cultural integration.     

远古时代的西羌部族与关陇文化

关陇地区以老官台和大地湾为代表的前仰韶时代文化,共同催生了陕甘地区的仰韶文化,这一文化就是炎帝西羌集团的遗存。从距今6000年前后起,炎帝西羌集团一些支族开始向四方迁徙。其中,一支向东北迁往山西汾河与晋冀桑干河流域,与黄帝部族融合后又返回中原,形成炎黄集团;一支迁往西北甘青地区,与当地土著融合,产生了马家窑文化。炎帝部族留在关中故地的又与此后回流的部分炎黄族民构成姜炎部族。本文结合考古材料和文献记载,对夏商时代关中的姜炎文化和先周文化、陇右的姜羌文化和羌戎文化的来源、演化,及其与关陇部族的分合流变进行了探讨。     

《啰哩回回——元代的吉普赛人》证补——纪念杨志玖先生归真10周年

《啰哩回回——元代的吉普赛人》是杨志玖先生晚年的一篇名作,发表后学界多有赞誉。本文在杨先生之作的基础上,沿着杨先生论文的思路,作进一步的探寻,试图对中国的吉普赛人问题能稍有深化,也通过此文来表达笔者对杨先生去世10周年的纪念之情。     

论明清时期民族政策的变化对湟水流域市场格局的影响

湟水流域,属于农牧两种生产方式过渡的地带。明清时期在此交界之处陆续设置了一些营堡以资防御,从而形成了以诸营堡为依托的多层次的市场格局。这种市场格局的变化,又是明清中央政府对这里民族政策变化的结果。因此,研究这一时期中央政府在湟水流域民族政策的变化对这里市场格局的演变具有一定的典型性。明廷针对湟水流域周围蒙、番杂处的格局,实行的羁番御蒙的民族政策,结果在该流域形成了以西宁为中心,以其他营堡为依托的环形状的市场网络。时至清代,清廷转而实行的护蒙御番的政策,则使这里形成了以西宁、丹噶尔为中心,以分布于两城以南以诸营堡为依托的次一级市场体系。     

广西土司制度研究的回顾与前瞻

广西的土司制度是中原封建王朝对广西少数民族所施行的一种特殊的政治制度和民族政策。它渊源于唐、宋时代,确立于元代,完善于明代,衰落于清代,消亡于民国时期,期间经历了一千多年的历史,对广西地方民族社会历史的发展产生过重要的影响,在广西地方史和民族史的研究中占有相当重要的地位,成为广西地方民族史研究中一个值得注意的问题。迄今为止,国内外学术界对广西土司制度的研究已取得了令人瞩目的成绩,但同时研究中缺失和存在的问题仍然不少,值得我们认真地加以总结和研究。     

吐蕃与大食早期经济往来

从远古时代起,青藏高原地区就与华北、葱岭以西有着广泛的经济、文化往来,吐蕃王朝的建立为促进青藏高原的统一,发展与青藏高原外部的联系创造了条件。吐蕃不仅积极参与东西方丝路贸易,而且其在西域、中亚的军事活动本身就兼具商业目的。商业贸易促进了吐蕃军事、经济、文化的发展,增强了吐蕃的综合实力,同时也为吐蕃社会的发展指明了方向。     

云贵高原与岭南早期文化关系的考古学观察

本文通过对旧石器时代至西汉时期云贵高原与岭南考古学文化的对比研究,探讨二者之间早期文化的相互交流与影响。